本文選題：江蘇 + 江淮官話　； 參考：《南京師范大學(xué)》2017年碩士論文

【摘要】：本文選取江蘇省境內(nèi)江淮官話各方言片的核心代表點(diǎn)和邊緣點(diǎn)進(jìn)行錄音調(diào)查,其中,江淮官話洪巢片揚(yáng)淮小片4個(gè)方言點(diǎn):揚(yáng)州、淮安、連云港、鹽城,江淮官話洪巢片南京小片兩個(gè)方言點(diǎn):南京、溧水,江淮官話通泰片6個(gè)方言點(diǎn):泰州、南通、泰興、興化、大豐、如東,共計(jì)12個(gè)方言點(diǎn)。在對(duì)方言點(diǎn)進(jìn)行實(shí)地錄音的基礎(chǔ)上對(duì)實(shí)驗(yàn)數(shù)據(jù)進(jìn)行分析整理,對(duì)方言聲調(diào)系統(tǒng)進(jìn)行聲學(xué)和聽感上的描寫,并對(duì)各方言點(diǎn)的特殊發(fā)聲態(tài)進(jìn)行研究�；诼曊{(diào)類型學(xué)的理論,將該區(qū)域調(diào)型進(jìn)行類型學(xué)定位。提出一個(gè)新的分區(qū)方案,識(shí)別出一個(gè)'邊緣吳語(yǔ)'的區(qū)域,對(duì)邊緣地區(qū)方言歸屬進(jìn)行重新界定。經(jīng)過(guò)對(duì)江淮官話洪巢片和通泰片的錄音調(diào)查,我們發(fā)現(xiàn)充分利用拱形來(lái)區(qū)別不同調(diào)類是大多數(shù)漢語(yǔ)方言調(diào)系的格局策略。洪巢片主要以5個(gè)聲調(diào)為主,通泰片以6、7個(gè)為主,這些方言點(diǎn)除去入聲,調(diào)型上基本都是常四模式或常四模式加上一個(gè)降或凹,也即“降升低平”的組合或者“降升低平降/凹”,即便有些方言點(diǎn)如興化、連云港等有特殊發(fā)聲態(tài)起作用,但總體來(lái)看,江淮官話還是利用拱形來(lái)區(qū)別不同調(diào)類。在特殊發(fā)聲態(tài)方面,江蘇境內(nèi)江淮官話存在假聲、嘎裂聲等特殊發(fā)聲態(tài)。在我們調(diào)查的方言點(diǎn)中,有4個(gè)因?yàn)橛刑厥獍l(fā)聲態(tài)起作用而分域的聲調(diào)系統(tǒng),其中洪巢片1個(gè)(連云港),通泰片3個(gè)(興化市區(qū)、大豐和南通市區(qū))。調(diào)域(發(fā)聲態(tài))是描寫聲調(diào)的重要參數(shù)之一,根據(jù)發(fā)聲態(tài)特征,可將聲調(diào)分成上域、常域和下域。江蘇境內(nèi)江淮官話中的特殊發(fā)聲態(tài)在我們研究方言聲調(diào)的過(guò)程中為我們描寫方言聲調(diào)格局提供了新的角度。江蘇境內(nèi)江淮官話的的入聲調(diào)類依然存在,大部分地區(qū)喉塞尾保存完好,部分地區(qū)新派已脫落,個(gè)別地區(qū)全面脫落。目前在我們的調(diào)查結(jié)果中,洪巢片除南京、連云港外,其他方言點(diǎn)喉塞尾保存較為完好,通泰片如東地區(qū),掘港鎮(zhèn)以及河口鎮(zhèn)的青年發(fā)音人入聲例字喉塞尾部分脫落,時(shí)長(zhǎng)拉長(zhǎng),其他地區(qū)喉塞尾也基本保持良好。我們?cè)谥暗姆窖哉{(diào)查中發(fā)現(xiàn)通泰方言在聲調(diào)、發(fā)聲態(tài)方面很接近吳方言。聲調(diào)以6、7個(gè)為主,而且北部興化、大豐、.東臺(tái)等地有以假聲定義的上域、嘎裂聲定義的低域,從如東縣的方言情況也可以看出目前通泰方言的吳語(yǔ)特征正在一步步消失,或許等到通泰方言入聲舒化,假聲消失,跟官話越來(lái)越接近時(shí),就可能再也看不到吳語(yǔ)的痕跡了。我們對(duì)邊界方言提出一個(gè)'邊緣方言'以及按偏離程度分級(jí)的概念。在吳語(yǔ)所謂邊界帶上有三級(jí)“邊緣吳語(yǔ)”存在:一級(jí)邊緣吳語(yǔ)的宣州片、二級(jí)邊緣吳語(yǔ)的處衢龍游小片,以及三級(jí)邊緣吳語(yǔ)的通泰方言。三級(jí)邊緣的方言在語(yǔ)音上還保留著一些吳語(yǔ)具有、但官話不具備的重要特征,但在其他方面,尤其是語(yǔ)言心理方面有了新的歸屬。當(dāng)這些重要的吳語(yǔ)特征消失后,那么和吳語(yǔ)就完全脫離關(guān)系了。
[Abstract]:In this paper, the core representative points and marginal points of each dialect film in Jianghuai dialect in Jiangsu Province are selected for recording investigation. Among them, the Yangzhou, Huaian, Lianyungang, Yancheng, Yangzhou, Huaian, Lianyungang, Yancheng, Yangzhou, Yancheng, Yangzhou, Huaian, Lianyungang, Yancheng, Yangzhou, Huaian, Lianyungang, Jianghuai official dialect Hongchao Nanking two dialect points: Nanjing, Lishui, Jianghuai Mandarin Tongtai six dialect points: Taizhou, Nantong, Taixing, Xinghua, Dafeng, Rudong, a total of 12 dialect points. Based on the field recording of dialect points, the experimental data are analyzed and arranged, the tone system of dialect is described in acoustics and audition, and the special phonation state of each dialect spot is studied. Based on the theory of tone typology, the typology of the region is located. A new zoning scheme is proposed to identify a 'marginal Wu dialect' area and redefine the dialect ownership in the marginal area. Through the recording investigation of Hongchao and Tongtai films in Jianghuai Mandarin, we find that it is the pattern strategy of most Chinese dialects to make full use of arch to distinguish different tones. Hongchao film is mainly composed of 5 tones, and Tongtai film is mainly composed of 6 and 7 tones. These dialect points are removed from the entering sound, and the tone types are basically Chang-four or Chang four-mode plus a descending or concave. Even though some dialects such as Xinghua and Lianyungang have special phonetic states, in general, the Jianghuai Mandarin still uses arches to distinguish different tone types. In the aspect of special vocal state, there are falsetto, creak and so on in Jianghuai Mandarin in Jiangsu province. Among the dialects we investigated, there are four regional tone systems with special phonetic states, of which one is Hongcao (Lianyungang, three Tongtai) (Xinghua, Dafeng and Nantong urban areas). Tone domain (phonation state) is one of the important parameters in the description of tone. According to the characteristics of phonetic state, the tone can be divided into upper domain, constant field and lower domain. The special phonetic state in Jianghuai Mandarin in Jiangsu Province provides a new angle for us to describe the pattern of dialect tone in the course of our study of dialect tone. In Jiangsu province, the tone type of Jiang-Huai dialect still exists, the throat stop-tail is well preserved in most areas, the neologism has fallen off in some areas, and in some areas, it has completely fallen off in some areas. At present, in our investigation results, in addition to Nanjing and Lianyungang, other dialect spots and throat plugs are relatively well preserved, and the young people in Tongtai Ping-Rudong area, Qiaogang Town and Hekou Town have partially dropped off their throat plugs. The time is long, other area throat plug tail also maintains basically good. In the previous dialect investigation, we found that Tongtai dialect is close to Wu dialect in tone and phonation. The tone is mainly 6 and 7, and the north of Xinghua, Dafeng. Dongtai and other places have the upper domain defined by false sound and the low area defined by creak sound. From the dialect situation in Rudong County, we can also see that the characteristics of Wu dialect in Tongtai dialect are disappearing step by step at present. Perhaps it will be until Tongtai dialect becomes more relaxed and falsetto disappear. As you get closer to the Mandarin, you may never see the vestige of Wu any more. We propose a concept of 'marginal dialect' and its classification according to the degree of deviation. There are three levels of "marginal Wu" in the so-called boundary belt of Wu dialect: the Xuanzhou film of the first-level marginal Wu dialect, the Xiaobian of Qu-qu Longyou of the second-level marginal Wu dialect, and the Tongtai dialect of the third-level marginal Wu dialect. The dialect at the edge of three levels still retains some important features of Wu dialect in pronunciation, but the Mandarin dialect does not have important characteristics, but it has new attribution in other aspects, especially in the psychological aspect of language. When these important features of the Wu language disappear, then it is completely divorced from the Wu dialect.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：南京師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號(hào)】：H172.4

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本文編號(hào)：1962274