【摘要】：隨著人類(lèi)的發(fā)展,計(jì)算機(jī)的出現(xiàn)給一些研究者提供了人機(jī)結(jié)合來(lái)處理藏文信息,是對(duì)藏語(yǔ)言文化的一大突破,也是一種體現(xiàn)。所以,本文就是以實(shí)驗(yàn)語(yǔ)音學(xué)的方法對(duì)安多方言華銳話的韻母,以參照華侃老師的《安多藏語(yǔ)詞匯》這本書(shū)中對(duì)夏河話的韻母部分進(jìn)行聲學(xué)分析。得出華銳語(yǔ)有7個(gè)元音a,o,e,i,u θ(?)。并對(duì)它們進(jìn)行實(shí)驗(yàn),提取參數(shù)用圖表的形式展現(xiàn)出來(lái)。本文對(duì)安多藏語(yǔ)華銳話與夏河話的元音及韻尾的對(duì)比研究進(jìn)行了更深一步發(fā)掘,通過(guò)運(yùn)用對(duì)比的方法,更直觀的表現(xiàn)出兩種方言之間共性和個(gè)性,最終得到安多藏語(yǔ)的元音受到韻尾的影響或元音對(duì)韻尾的影響,以及兩種方言的韻尾是否脫落的現(xiàn)象和一些安多地區(qū)藏民族方言的具體特點(diǎn)進(jìn)行研究。這樣比較才能更確切的得出安多方言這兩種語(yǔ)言的完美之所在,從而能夠讓更多藏學(xué)界的研究者提供一些可行的依據(jù),以便以后更好的發(fā)掘與研究給一些幫助,研究安多方言華銳話與夏河話的目的就是要體現(xiàn)安多藏語(yǔ)方言的優(yōu)美和價(jià)值所在,便于給以后的人們對(duì)這兩種語(yǔ)言的交流提供一些參考。本文主要得出以下結(jié)論:1.安多藏語(yǔ)華銳話共有元音7個(gè),而夏河話有元音6個(gè),華銳話比夏河話多出了一個(gè)元音,這一個(gè)元音是θ。藏語(yǔ)華銳話中有7個(gè)韻尾,而在夏河話也是7個(gè)韻尾,從數(shù)量上看,華銳話的韻尾和夏河話的韻尾一樣多,由此可以看出同屬于安多藏語(yǔ)方言區(qū)的兩種語(yǔ)言在韻尾的演變過(guò)程中保持了一致。通過(guò)對(duì)安多藏語(yǔ)華銳話和夏河話的共振峰的聲學(xué)參數(shù)對(duì)比分析得出當(dāng)華銳話發(fā)[a][e][i][u][(?)]時(shí)第一共振峰和第二共振峰的值均小于夏河話,由此我們可以得出,華銳話在發(fā)這五個(gè)元音的時(shí)候舌位要高于夏河話,嘴巴的開(kāi)合度要小于夏河話,舌位比夏河話發(fā)這個(gè)音時(shí)靠后,而在發(fā)[o]這個(gè)音的時(shí)候,華銳話的第一共振峰和第二共振峰的值均大于夏河話,由此可得,發(fā)這個(gè)音的時(shí)候華銳話的舌位要低于夏河話,嘴巴的開(kāi)合度要大于夏河話,而舌位則比夏河話發(fā)這個(gè)音時(shí)靠前,從比較中可以得出,華銳話發(fā)元音的舌位普遍高于夏河話,嘴巴的開(kāi)合度小于夏河話,而舌位也普遍要比夏河話靠后。2.通過(guò)對(duì)安多藏語(yǔ)華銳話和夏河話時(shí)長(zhǎng)與能量對(duì)比分析中得出華銳話時(shí)長(zhǎng)平均值和能量平均值的分布呈正比關(guān)系,時(shí)長(zhǎng)越長(zhǎng),能量就越大,而夏河話6個(gè)元音當(dāng)中只有3個(gè)呈正比關(guān)系,所以可以推出,時(shí)長(zhǎng)和能量的分布與個(gè)人發(fā)音習(xí)慣有密不可分的關(guān)系。
[Abstract]:With the development of human beings, the appearance of computer provides some researchers with man-machine combination to deal with Tibetan information. It is a breakthrough in Tibetan language and culture, and it is also a manifestation. Therefore, this paper uses the method of experimental phonetics to analyze the vowel of Ando dialect Huali dialect, referring to teacher Hua Kan's "Andozang Vocabulary", which makes an acoustic analysis of the prosodic part of Xia he dialect. It is concluded that Huali has seven vowels a, o, e, I, u 胃 (?). Experiments are carried out on them and the extraction parameters are displayed in the form of charts. In this paper, the contrastive study of vowel and rhyme between Ando Tibetan and Xiahe dialect is further explored. By using the method of contrast, the commonality and individuality of the two dialects are displayed more intuitively. Finally, the vowel of Ando Tibetan language is affected by rhyme or vowel on the ending of rhyme, as well as the phenomenon of whether the vowels of the two dialects fall off and the specific characteristics of some Tibetan dialects in Ando area are studied. This comparison can be more precise in finding the perfect place of the two languages, so that more researchers in the Tibetan field can provide some feasible basis for better exploration and research in the future to give some help. The purpose of studying Hua Rui dialect and Xia he dialect in Ando dialect is to reflect the beauty and value of Ando Tibetan dialect, and to provide some reference for the communication between the two languages in the future. The main conclusions of this paper are as follows: 1. There are 7 vowels in Ando Tibetan dialect, 6 vowels in Xia he dialect, one vowel more than Xia he dialect, this vowel is 胃. Tibetan Chinese dialect has 7 endings, and Xia he dialect has 7 endings. In terms of quantity, Huali dialect has as many endings as Xia River dialect. It can be seen that the two languages, which belong to the Ando Tibetan dialect area, remain the same in the evolution of rhyme endings. By comparing and analyzing the acoustic parameters of the resonance peaks in the Ando Tibetan dialect [a] [e] [I] [u] [(?)], the acoustic parameters of the resonance peaks in the Ando Tibetan dialect [a] [e] [I] [u] [(?)] The values of the first resonant peak and the second resonant peak are both smaller than those of the Xiahe dialect. Therefore, we can draw a conclusion that the tongue position of the Huarui dialect is higher than that of the Xiahe dialect when the five vowels are issued, and the opening degree of the mouth is less than that of the Xiahe dialect. The position of the tongue is lower than that of the Xiahe dialect, and the first and second resonance peaks of the Chinese dialect are higher than those of the Xiahe dialect when the sound [o] is issued, so that the tongue position of the Chinese dialect is lower than that of the Xiahe dialect when this sound is issued, and the first resonance peak and the second resonance peak of the Hua Rui dialect are higher than those of the Xia River dialect when the tone is issued. The opening degree of the mouth is greater than that of the Xiahe dialect, and the position of the tongue is higher than that of the Xiahe dialect. From the comparison, it can be concluded that the tongue position of the vowel of the Chinese dialect is generally higher than that of the Xiahe dialect, and the opening degree of the mouth is smaller than that of the Xiahe dialect. And the tongue position is generally lower than the Xia River dialect. 2. Through the comparative analysis of the time length and energy of Ando Tibetan dialect and Xia he dialect, it is concluded that the distribution of the average time length and the energy mean value of the Chinese dialect is proportional to the distribution of the average value of energy. The longer the time length, the greater the energy is. However, only 3 of the 6 vowels in Xiahe dialect are proportional to each other, so it can be deduced that the distribution of duration and energy is inextricably related to individual pronunciation habits.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：西北民族大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類(lèi)號(hào)】：H214

【參考文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前2條

1 李永宏;孔江平;于洪志;;現(xiàn)代語(yǔ)音學(xué)儀器及生理語(yǔ)音學(xué)研究[J];生命科學(xué)儀器;2008年09期

2 王理嘉;實(shí)驗(yàn)語(yǔ)音學(xué)與傳統(tǒng)語(yǔ)音學(xué)[J];語(yǔ)文建設(shè);1989年01期

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前1條

1 周一心;藏語(yǔ)安多夏河話音節(jié)聲學(xué)分析[D];西北民族大學(xué);2011年

，

本文編號(hào)：2431132