近代日本報(bào)界的政治動(dòng)員（1868-1945）
發(fā)布時(shí)間：2018-12-25 13:15
【摘要】：作為政治動(dòng)員的強(qiáng)大武器，近代日本報(bào)界被政府嚴(yán)厲管控，在整個(gè)國(guó)家和社會(huì)層面逐漸形成了“總體戰(zhàn)體制”，不斷強(qiáng)化國(guó)家和民眾的“命運(yùn)共同體”意識(shí)——既參與“佐幕”與“勤王”之爭(zhēng)，也大力宣傳自由和民權(quán)；既反對(duì)軍部獨(dú)裁、爭(zhēng)取憲政民主，也積極宣傳對(duì)外擴(kuò)張，服從“國(guó)益”，不遺余力地鼓動(dòng)“萬(wàn)眾一心”，充當(dāng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)幫兇。 本論文依托日本傳媒史、日本政治史和新聞學(xué)、傳播學(xué)理論，利用日文原始文獻(xiàn)檔案、借鑒國(guó)內(nèi)外先行研究成果，以“政治動(dòng)員”為線索，系統(tǒng)梳理了1868—1945年間日本報(bào)界與政治的互動(dòng)關(guān)系，特別是深入研究了在政治強(qiáng)力干預(yù)和控制下逐漸形成的近代日本報(bào)界“總體戰(zhàn)體制”和甲午戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、日俄戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)、侵華戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中的宣傳戰(zhàn)實(shí)踐，以及中江兆民、福澤諭吉和德富蘇峰等輿論領(lǐng)袖的思想傳播、傳媒影響力，并分析了近代日本報(bào)界的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)責(zé)任和歷史認(rèn)識(shí)問題，通過(guò)客觀、公正地分析與評(píng)價(jià)，為近代日本報(bào)界的發(fā)生、發(fā)展勾勒出一幅既符合歷史事實(shí)，又具清晰脈絡(luò)的“貫戰(zhàn)史”畫卷。 本論文主要通過(guò)對(duì)明治維新時(shí)期、自由民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)時(shí)期、大正民主運(yùn)動(dòng)時(shí)期和甲午戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)期、日俄戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)期、侵華戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)期等六個(gè)時(shí)期的日本報(bào)界與政治互動(dòng)關(guān)系研究，試圖闡述以下問題： 一是在明治大正時(shí)期，即日本政治和社會(huì)走向近代化過(guò)程中，報(bào)界與政府既相互扶持、共同促進(jìn)，也相互斗爭(zhēng)、控制與反控制，這種既對(duì)抗又聯(lián)合的關(guān)系，，正是在社會(huì)劇烈變動(dòng)時(shí)期近代報(bào)界發(fā)展的必經(jīng)階段。總體來(lái)說(shuō)，明治初期的報(bào)界在推動(dòng)日本政治和社會(huì)走向近代化的過(guò)程中發(fā)揮了政治動(dòng)員的積極作用。 二是當(dāng)政府為推行侵略擴(kuò)張國(guó)策，不斷加強(qiáng)輿論控制后，報(bào)界無(wú)力對(duì)抗，終于放棄做政黨和民眾維持憲政民主、“參與政爭(zhēng)的有力武器”，而是“轉(zhuǎn)向”淪為政府對(duì)內(nèi)控制輿論、對(duì)外實(shí)施擴(kuò)張政策的政治動(dòng)員工具——通過(guò)狂熱的宣傳行動(dòng)、細(xì)致的戰(zhàn)勝報(bào)道、虛假的欺騙宣傳，甚至直接組織戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)動(dòng)員活動(dòng)，最大限度地支持了侵略戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)及其長(zhǎng)期化。 三是對(duì)于近代日本歷史上的侵略戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，日本報(bào)界負(fù)有不可推卸的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)責(zé)任；由于戰(zhàn)后不徹底的民主化改造，戰(zhàn)后報(bào)界也不同程度地繼承了戰(zhàn)前和戰(zhàn)時(shí)的國(guó)家民族觀念。時(shí)至今日，日本報(bào)界的“政治動(dòng)員”仍未停止。 在“總體戰(zhàn)”研究范式下，以“貫戰(zhàn)史”的方法論探討近代日本報(bào)界與政治動(dòng)員的歷史，可知其“漫長(zhǎng)的戰(zhàn)后”仍在繼續(xù)中。
[Abstract]:As a powerful weapon of political mobilization, the modern Japanese press was strictly controlled by the government and gradually formed a "general war system" in the whole country and society. Strengthen the consciousness of "destiny community" of the country and the populace constantly-not only participate in the struggle between "the secret screen" and "diligent king", but also vigorously propagate the freedom and civil rights; He opposed the military dictatorship, fought for constitutional democracy, actively propagated the expansion of foreign countries, obeyed the "national interests", spared no effort to encourage "United as one", and served as an accomplice to the war. This thesis relies on Japanese media history, Japanese political history and journalism, communication theory, uses Japanese original literature archives, draws lessons from domestic and foreign research achievements, and takes "political mobilization" as the clue. This paper systematically combs the interaction between Japanese newspapers and politics from 1868-1945, especially deeply studies the modern Japanese newspaper "overall war system" and the Sino-Japanese War, the Japan-Russian War, which gradually formed under the strong political intervention and control. The propaganda war practice in the war of aggression against China, as well as the ideological dissemination and media influence of the opinion leaders such as Chomin Nakae, FukuzawaYukichi and de Fu Su, and the analysis of the war responsibility and historical understanding of the modern Japanese press, through objective, An impartial analysis and evaluation was made to outline a picture of "the history of war", which not only accords with historical facts but also has a clear context for the development and development of modern Japanese newspapers. This thesis mainly studies the interaction between Japanese newspapers and politics during the Meiji Restoration period, the Free Civil Rights Movement period, the Dazheng Democratic Movement period and the Sino-Japanese War period, the Japanese-Russian War period, the invasion War period, and so on. This paper tries to elaborate the following questions: first, during the period of Meiji Taisho, that is, in the process of modernization of Japanese politics and society, the press and the government supported each other, promoted each other, also fought against each other, control and anti-control. The relationship between confrontation and union is the necessary stage of the development of modern newspapers in the period of drastic social change. In general, the early Meiji press played an active role in promoting the modernization of Japanese politics and society. Second, when the government continued to strengthen the control of public opinion in order to carry out an aggressive and expanding national policy, the press was unable to confront, and finally gave up being a political party and the public to maintain constitutional democracy and "a powerful weapon to participate in the political struggle." Rather, it became a political mobilization tool for the government to control public opinion internally and carry out expansionist policies abroad-through fanatical propaganda, meticulous victory over reports, false deception propaganda, and even direct organization of war mobilization activities. The war of aggression and its prolongation were supported to the maximum extent. Third, the Japanese press bears the unshirkable responsibility for the war of aggression in the modern Japanese history, and because of the incomplete democratic transformation after the war, the postwar press inherited to varying degrees the concepts of nation and nation before and during the war. To this day, the Japanese press's "political mobilization" has not stopped. Under the research paradigm of "general war", the history of newspaper and political mobilization in modern Japan is discussed with the methodology of "the history of war after war", and it is known that its "long postwar" is still going on.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：東北師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2013
【分類號(hào)】：G219.313;K313.4
本文編號(hào)：2391178
[Abstract]:As a powerful weapon of political mobilization, the modern Japanese press was strictly controlled by the government and gradually formed a "general war system" in the whole country and society. Strengthen the consciousness of "destiny community" of the country and the populace constantly-not only participate in the struggle between "the secret screen" and "diligent king", but also vigorously propagate the freedom and civil rights; He opposed the military dictatorship, fought for constitutional democracy, actively propagated the expansion of foreign countries, obeyed the "national interests", spared no effort to encourage "United as one", and served as an accomplice to the war. This thesis relies on Japanese media history, Japanese political history and journalism, communication theory, uses Japanese original literature archives, draws lessons from domestic and foreign research achievements, and takes "political mobilization" as the clue. This paper systematically combs the interaction between Japanese newspapers and politics from 1868-1945, especially deeply studies the modern Japanese newspaper "overall war system" and the Sino-Japanese War, the Japan-Russian War, which gradually formed under the strong political intervention and control. The propaganda war practice in the war of aggression against China, as well as the ideological dissemination and media influence of the opinion leaders such as Chomin Nakae, FukuzawaYukichi and de Fu Su, and the analysis of the war responsibility and historical understanding of the modern Japanese press, through objective, An impartial analysis and evaluation was made to outline a picture of "the history of war", which not only accords with historical facts but also has a clear context for the development and development of modern Japanese newspapers. This thesis mainly studies the interaction between Japanese newspapers and politics during the Meiji Restoration period, the Free Civil Rights Movement period, the Dazheng Democratic Movement period and the Sino-Japanese War period, the Japanese-Russian War period, the invasion War period, and so on. This paper tries to elaborate the following questions: first, during the period of Meiji Taisho, that is, in the process of modernization of Japanese politics and society, the press and the government supported each other, promoted each other, also fought against each other, control and anti-control. The relationship between confrontation and union is the necessary stage of the development of modern newspapers in the period of drastic social change. In general, the early Meiji press played an active role in promoting the modernization of Japanese politics and society. Second, when the government continued to strengthen the control of public opinion in order to carry out an aggressive and expanding national policy, the press was unable to confront, and finally gave up being a political party and the public to maintain constitutional democracy and "a powerful weapon to participate in the political struggle." Rather, it became a political mobilization tool for the government to control public opinion internally and carry out expansionist policies abroad-through fanatical propaganda, meticulous victory over reports, false deception propaganda, and even direct organization of war mobilization activities. The war of aggression and its prolongation were supported to the maximum extent. Third, the Japanese press bears the unshirkable responsibility for the war of aggression in the modern Japanese history, and because of the incomplete democratic transformation after the war, the postwar press inherited to varying degrees the concepts of nation and nation before and during the war. To this day, the Japanese press's "political mobilization" has not stopped. Under the research paradigm of "general war", the history of newspaper and political mobilization in modern Japan is discussed with the methodology of "the history of war after war", and it is known that its "long postwar" is still going on.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：東北師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2013
【分類號(hào)】：G219.313;K313.4
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