馬來西亞現(xiàn)代化進程中的政治穩(wěn)定：政黨制度的視角
發(fā)布時間：2018-09-02 09:35
【摘要】： 對單位層面的關注是國際政治學與比較政治學的相通之處——單位既是構成國際體系的基礎,也是進行比較的基礎。目前大多數(shù)國家仍處在現(xiàn)代化過程中,模式的多樣化與同質化之爭由來已久,但共識的增加也是不爭的事實。上世紀六十年代政治發(fā)展研究興起,至冷戰(zhàn)后期第三世界國家的政治發(fā)展又出現(xiàn)了一些重大變化——例如新興經(jīng)濟體的崛起、威權政體的民主轉型以及全球化的日益突顯,國際體系的內(nèi)在屬性也在發(fā)生改變,以至于有人質疑傳統(tǒng)意義上的第三世界是否還存在。目前,第三波民主化仍在改寫著發(fā)展中國家的政治圖譜,其中東南亞地區(qū)具有典型意義——這里的多樣性最為明顯,也是最有說服力的民主化試驗場。在內(nèi)外壓力下,后發(fā)國家如何在推進政治民主的同時保持政治穩(wěn)定,在理論與實踐中都尚未完全解決。本文試圖把政黨制度作為變量,對轉型社會中的民主化與政治穩(wěn)定之間的復雜關系進行剖析�，F(xiàn)代化是發(fā)展中國家面臨的歷史任務——即通過現(xiàn)代性的不斷積累推動傳統(tǒng)社會向現(xiàn)代社會轉變,這就使政治穩(wěn)定這一傳統(tǒng)課題被賦予了時代內(nèi)涵�？v向及橫向研究表明,政黨制度與政治穩(wěn)定之間存在著內(nèi)在聯(lián)系,其關鍵在于政黨制度是否具備足夠的韌性,從而與動態(tài)發(fā)展的社會生態(tài)系統(tǒng)相適應。 作為東亞地區(qū)的中小國家,馬來西亞的典型性首先在于其中等發(fā)展水平——作為新興經(jīng)濟體之一,其社會轉型特點突出,現(xiàn)代化使經(jīng)濟、政治與文化等層面的過渡性非常明顯。馬來西亞的典型性還體現(xiàn)在文化多樣性上,歷史及地理原因使這里成為世界主要文明交融碰撞的縮影。在馬來西亞政治發(fā)展過程中,穩(wěn)定訴求極其強烈——它既反映了對現(xiàn)代化與民族國家建構的雙重要求,同時也在很大程度上歸因于政治精英的主觀建構。典型的多元族群結構使民族國家建構任重而道遠,迅速推進的現(xiàn)代化又導致了政治結構與經(jīng)濟社會結構的不適應,以及權力與財富在不同社會集團間的分配失衡。因此有必要通過一定的制度設計來解決政治穩(wěn)定問題,以確保現(xiàn)代化進程不致中斷或逆轉。作為政治系統(tǒng)的內(nèi)生因素,政治文化是現(xiàn)代變遷的重要層面。在這一過程中,各族政治精英及大眾之間復雜多面的觀念互動,也使政治穩(wěn)定在某種意義上成為建構的產(chǎn)物。在馬來西亞政治話語中,政治穩(wěn)定無疑是最常用的政治詞匯。統(tǒng)治精英試圖影響大眾的合法性評價,并通過所控制的公共權力機構、主流媒體以及教育機構,持續(xù)進行政治整合。在某種意義上,馬來西亞是政治穩(wěn)定保持最好的發(fā)展中國家之一,堪稱伊斯蘭現(xiàn)代主義的典范。一果多因,現(xiàn)代化理論、政體穩(wěn)定理論以及政治文化理論等,對于馬來西亞的政治穩(wěn)定都有很強的解釋力。 鑒于族群、階級等層面的嚴重社會分化,一黨獨大制所承載的準威權政體努力促成某種合作主義。早在非殖民化時期,政黨制度雛形就在外來因素與本土因素合力作用下奠定,并對馬來亞獨立進程產(chǎn)生了重大影響,執(zhí)政黨的歷史合法性由此發(fā)軔。現(xiàn)代化進程啟動后,執(zhí)政黨一度在經(jīng)濟領域實行自由放任政策,在政治領域則容許較高競爭性的議會民主。但階級和族群分化不斷加劇,在活躍的政黨政治刺激下,社會動員與政治參與很快超出了政治制度的容納力,進而導致了上世紀六十年代末的嚴重騷亂。在現(xiàn)代化過程中,東亞威權政體具有工具性和過渡性等特點,這集中體現(xiàn)在維持政治穩(wěn)定和促進經(jīng)濟增長兩個維度上。但其效用性并非永不枯竭,威權體制下的經(jīng)濟績效、意識形態(tài)培育、環(huán)境強調、承諾誘惑以及個人魅力等因素都不過是民主的臨時替代。盡管上述族群沖突導致馬來西亞政治發(fā)展出現(xiàn)重大轉折,但并不能因此否定民主的普遍價值。民主政治受挫的根本原因是當時較低的經(jīng)濟社會發(fā)展水平,稚嫩的制度權威對于政治參與的吸納力不足,致使競爭性民主與族群主義的矛盾無法調和。以族群為主軸的廣泛的執(zhí)政聯(lián)盟為政治穩(wěn)定提供了新的解決方案,具有更強集體行動能力的國民陣線在很大程度上成為巫統(tǒng)的制度工具,但另一方面它也有效地避免了社會集團間的零和或負和博弈。在巫統(tǒng)主導下,執(zhí)政聯(lián)盟協(xié)商分配權力,各成員黨在某種意義上成為利益相關者,精英聯(lián)盟的擴大與鞏固成為政治穩(wěn)定的結構性因素。 巫統(tǒng)堅持發(fā)展主義,經(jīng)濟績效成為其最重要的合法性來源,并實現(xiàn)了從經(jīng)濟增長到政治穩(wěn)定的功能轉換。但受傳統(tǒng)因素的影響,庇護現(xiàn)象普遍存在,統(tǒng)治精英們深深卷入經(jīng)濟領域。在執(zhí)政黨主導的現(xiàn)代化進程中,政黨競爭受到很大抑制,政治穩(wěn)定的壓制性特征比較突出。其中,族群因素幾乎是影響政治穩(wěn)定的常量——主要執(zhí)政黨把族群性視為自身最基本的合法性,族群關系被置于政策議程的優(yōu)先位置,這無疑使威權政體在控制族群沖突方面被賦予一定的正當性。但威權主義存在著自身難以克服的悖論——成功的經(jīng)濟發(fā)展是一把雙刃劍,它在為巫統(tǒng)提供巨大績效合法性的同時,也孕育著解構其威權統(tǒng)治基礎的社會因素。這決定了發(fā)展中國家政治發(fā)展的非線性特點,但經(jīng)濟現(xiàn)代化必將為政治民主創(chuàng)造更有利的基礎性條件。因此,威權主義的衰退是現(xiàn)代化變遷的必然結果,在這一過程中政治穩(wěn)定日益需要與民主化相結合。 政黨制度的合法性對于政治穩(wěn)定意義重大。其中,制度化是獲取合法性的重要路徑,也是評價發(fā)展中國家政治發(fā)展的基本尺度。制度化的基礎首先是憲政的發(fā)展,以及對政黨政治的具體規(guī)制。與其它發(fā)展中國家相比,馬來西亞政黨制度的制度化水平較高,即使巫統(tǒng)的執(zhí)政地位也需要訴諸于制度途徑。另一方面,其政黨制度中仍然存在著一些嚴重的缺陷,例如與傳統(tǒng)性有關的庇護制盛行于體制內(nèi)。這就有必要引入民主化變量,通過制度化與民主化的耦合,奠定政黨制度的合法性基礎。在各種政治權威中,執(zhí)政黨權威直接影響政府合法性。按照權威類型的演進路向,政黨權威最終應指向形態(tài)最優(yōu)、合法性最強的制度權威,它最能勝任現(xiàn)代化過程中的政治整合。其中,有效性是制度權威的核心要素,也是實現(xiàn)政治穩(wěn)定的基礎條件;如果缺乏有效的制度權威,發(fā)展中國家就很容易陷入“失敗國家”境地。 民主化趨勢不可阻擋,目前第三波對馬來西亞政黨制度的沖擊日益顯現(xiàn),政治穩(wěn)定功能有所下降。馬來西亞是典型的韌性威權政體,盡管政治轉型壓力不斷加大,但不太可能發(fā)生顛覆性變化。這是因為,馬來西亞政治系統(tǒng)的開放性較大,對于社會環(huán)境的回應能力仍然較強:其制度條件較有利于漸進民主化,而不利于激進主義的滋生。當前“兩線制”雛形進一步顯現(xiàn),執(zhí)政黨的準霸權地位出現(xiàn)動搖,主動改革意愿上升。尤其是族群政治模式日益受到質疑,作為經(jīng)濟現(xiàn)代化的產(chǎn)物,新興的市民社會正在成為政治發(fā)展的有生力量。東亞中產(chǎn)階級普遍具有保守性和革命性雙重特征:作為現(xiàn)代化的受益者,他們不愿看到社會政治秩序淪喪;而另一方面,其改革要求也日趨強烈。作為馬來西亞“新政治”的主要推動者,反對黨、非政府組織以及獨立的新媒體彼此呼應,使反對陣營得到拓展。民主化對于政治穩(wěn)定具有復雜影響,對于缺乏民主傳統(tǒng)的新興國家而言,漸進的政治轉型有利于在較低的社會成本條件下實現(xiàn)政治穩(wěn)定。在這一過程中,政黨制度除了逐漸擴大對政治參與的吸納外,還應推動國家與社會正向互動關系的形成,從而在新的合法性基礎上重構政治穩(wěn)定。 總之,本文立足于現(xiàn)代化進程中的東亞國家,試圖對政治穩(wěn)定作出某種時代詮釋,并盡可能地把一些新的影響變量考慮進來。盡管發(fā)展中國家與少數(shù)后現(xiàn)代國家共處于一個日益相互依賴的國際社會中,但彼此的根本關切卻相去甚遠。在那些民族國家尚不鞏固的政治單位中,國家與社會關系正面臨著調整,而全球化以及網(wǎng)絡政治等滲透性因素又日益凸顯。在眾多的危機挑戰(zhàn)面前,一套有效的政黨制度仍將是后發(fā)展國家實現(xiàn)政治整合的基本依托。但它同樣需要吸收新興社會力量,逐漸實現(xiàn)治理模式的轉變——即建立政黨制度主導、多元主體參與的平等互動的多維治理結構,這種彈性網(wǎng)狀結構將更適應政治穩(wěn)定的時代需要。總之,威權政體的結構性危機具有必然性,未來這些國家的政黨制度變遷能否反映社會結構變化,必將對其政治發(fā)展與政治穩(wěn)定產(chǎn)生深遠影響。
[Abstract]:Concern at the unit level is the link between international politics and comparative politics --- the unit is the basis of both the international system and the comparative study. The rise of political development studies in the decade and the emergence of some major changes in the political development of the third world countries in the late Cold War, such as the rise of emerging economies, the democratic transformation of authoritarian regimes and the growing prominence of globalization, have led to changes in the intrinsic attributes of the international system, leading some to question the traditional third world. Whether the world still exists. At present, the third wave of democratization is still rewriting the political Atlas of developing countries, of which Southeast Asia is a typical region where diversity is the most obvious and the most convincing democratization testing ground. This paper attempts to analyze the complex relationship between democratization and political stability in a transitional society by taking the political party system as a variable. Modernization is the historical task facing developing countries, that is, to promote the transformation of traditional society into modern society through the accumulation of modernity, which makes it possible for them to realize modernization. The traditional subject of political stability is endowed with the connotation of the times. Vertical and horizontal studies show that there is an inherent relationship between the political party system and political stability. The key lies in whether the political party system has enough tenacity to adapt to the dynamic development of the social ecosystem.
As a small and medium-sized country in East Asia, Malaysia's typicality lies first in its moderate level of development --- as one of the emerging economies, its social transformation features are outstanding. Modernization makes economic, political and cultural transition very obvious. Malaysia's typicality is also reflected in cultural diversity, historical and geographical reasons. In the course of Malaysian political development, the demand for stability is extremely strong - it reflects the dual demands of modernization and nation-state construction, but also largely attributed to the subjective construction of political elites. There is a long way to go, and the rapid modernization has led to the maladjustment between the political structure and the economic and social structure, as well as the imbalance between the distribution of power and wealth among different social groups. Political culture is an important aspect of modern change. In this process, the complex and multi-faceted conceptual interaction between the political elites and the masses makes political stability a product of construction in a sense. In Malaysian political discourse, political stability is undoubtedly the most commonly used political vocabulary. The ruling elite tries to influence the masses. In a sense, Malaysia is one of the developing countries with the best political stability and can be regarded as a model of Islamic modernism. The theory of modernization has strong explanatory power for Malaysia's political stability.
In view of the serious social divisions at the ethnic and class levels, the quasi-authoritarian regime carried by the one-party dictatorship tried to promote some kind of cooperativeism. As early as the decolonization period, the embryonic form of the political party system was established under the combined effect of external and local factors, which had a significant impact on the process of Malayan independence and the historical legitimacy of the ruling party. After the start of the modernization process, the ruling party once adopted a laissez-faire policy in the economic field and allowed a more competitive parliamentary democracy in the political field. In the process of modernization, East Asian authoritarian regimes have the characteristics of instrumentality and transition, which are embodied in the two dimensions of maintaining political stability and promoting economic growth. Confusion and personal charm are temporary substitutes for democracy. Although these ethnic conflicts have led to a major turning point in Malaysia's political development, they cannot negate the universal value of democracy. The inadequate absorptivity makes it impossible to reconcile the contradiction between competitive democracy and ethnicism. The broad coalition of ruling ethnic groups provides a new solution to political stability. The National Front, which has stronger collective action capacity, to a large extent, has become the institutional tool of UMNO, but on the other hand it has effectively avoided the social problems. Under the leadership of UMNO, the ruling coalition negotiates and distributes power, and the member parties become stakeholders in a sense, and the expansion and consolidation of the elite coalition become a structural factor of political stability.
Wutong adheres to the development doctrine, economic performance becomes its most important source of legitimacy, and realizes the functional transformation from economic growth to political stability. The repressive characteristics of governance stability are more prominent. Among them, ethnic factors are almost constant factors affecting political stability. The main ruling parties regard ethnic characteristics as their most basic legitimacy, and ethnic relations are given priority on the policy agenda. This undoubtedly gives authoritarian regimes some legitimacy in controlling ethnic conflicts. Successful economic development is a double-edged sword. While it provides great performance legitimacy for UMNO, it also breeds social factors that deconstruct the basis of its authoritarian rule. Therefore, the decline of authoritarianism is the inevitable result of the changes of modernization, in which political stability increasingly needs to be combined with democratization.
The legitimacy of the political party system is of great significance to political stability. Among them, institutionalization is an important way to obtain legitimacy and a basic yardstick to evaluate the political development of developing countries. On the other hand, there are still some serious defects in its political party system, for example, the traditional asylum system prevails in the system. Therefore, it is necessary to introduce democratization variables to establish the political party system through the coupling of institutionalization and democratization. Among all kinds of political authority, the authority of the ruling party has a direct impact on the legitimacy of the government. According to the evolution direction of the authority type, the authority of the political party should ultimately point to the system authority with the best form and the strongest legitimacy, which is most competent for the political integration in the process of modernization. Basic conditions for political stability; without effective institutional authority, developing countries can easily fall into the "failed state" situation.
Malaysia is a typical resilient authoritarian regime. Despite the increasing pressure of political transformation, subversive changes are unlikely to occur. This is because Malaysia's political system is more open to the outside world. Its institutional conditions are more conducive to gradual democratization and less conducive to the breeding of radicalism. The embryonic form of the "two-line system" has further emerged. The ruling party's quasi-hegemonic position has been shaken and its willingness to reform has risen. As a result, the burgeoning civil society is becoming a vital force in political development. The East Asian middle class is generally conservative and revolutionary: as beneficiaries of modernization, they are reluctant to see social and political order deteriorate; on the other hand, their demands for reform are becoming increasingly strong. As the main impetus of Malaysia's "new politics" Democratization has a complex impact on political stability. For emerging countries without democratic traditions, gradual political transformation is conducive to political stability at lower social costs. In addition to gradually expanding the absorption of political participation, we should also promote the formation of positive interaction between the state and society, so as to reconstruct political stability on the basis of new legitimacy.
In a word, based on the East Asian countries in the process of modernization, this paper tries to interpret the political stability of the times and take into account some new influential variables as far as possible. Among the political units that are not yet consolidated in the nation-states, the relationship between the state and society is facing adjustment, while the permeability factors such as globalization and network politics are becoming increasingly prominent. The social forces will gradually realize the transformation of the governance model, i.e. the establishment of a multi-dimensional governance structure dominated by the political party system and participated by multi-stakeholders. This flexible network structure will be more suitable for the needs of political stability. In short, the structural crisis of authoritarian regimes is inevitable, and whether the changes of the political party system in these countries will be possible in the future. Reflecting the change of social structure will have a far-reaching impact on its political development and political stability.
【學位授予單位】：山東大學
【學位級別】：博士
【學位授予年份】：2009
【分類號】：K33
本文編號：2218959
[Abstract]:Concern at the unit level is the link between international politics and comparative politics --- the unit is the basis of both the international system and the comparative study. The rise of political development studies in the decade and the emergence of some major changes in the political development of the third world countries in the late Cold War, such as the rise of emerging economies, the democratic transformation of authoritarian regimes and the growing prominence of globalization, have led to changes in the intrinsic attributes of the international system, leading some to question the traditional third world. Whether the world still exists. At present, the third wave of democratization is still rewriting the political Atlas of developing countries, of which Southeast Asia is a typical region where diversity is the most obvious and the most convincing democratization testing ground. This paper attempts to analyze the complex relationship between democratization and political stability in a transitional society by taking the political party system as a variable. Modernization is the historical task facing developing countries, that is, to promote the transformation of traditional society into modern society through the accumulation of modernity, which makes it possible for them to realize modernization. The traditional subject of political stability is endowed with the connotation of the times. Vertical and horizontal studies show that there is an inherent relationship between the political party system and political stability. The key lies in whether the political party system has enough tenacity to adapt to the dynamic development of the social ecosystem.
As a small and medium-sized country in East Asia, Malaysia's typicality lies first in its moderate level of development --- as one of the emerging economies, its social transformation features are outstanding. Modernization makes economic, political and cultural transition very obvious. Malaysia's typicality is also reflected in cultural diversity, historical and geographical reasons. In the course of Malaysian political development, the demand for stability is extremely strong - it reflects the dual demands of modernization and nation-state construction, but also largely attributed to the subjective construction of political elites. There is a long way to go, and the rapid modernization has led to the maladjustment between the political structure and the economic and social structure, as well as the imbalance between the distribution of power and wealth among different social groups. Political culture is an important aspect of modern change. In this process, the complex and multi-faceted conceptual interaction between the political elites and the masses makes political stability a product of construction in a sense. In Malaysian political discourse, political stability is undoubtedly the most commonly used political vocabulary. The ruling elite tries to influence the masses. In a sense, Malaysia is one of the developing countries with the best political stability and can be regarded as a model of Islamic modernism. The theory of modernization has strong explanatory power for Malaysia's political stability.
In view of the serious social divisions at the ethnic and class levels, the quasi-authoritarian regime carried by the one-party dictatorship tried to promote some kind of cooperativeism. As early as the decolonization period, the embryonic form of the political party system was established under the combined effect of external and local factors, which had a significant impact on the process of Malayan independence and the historical legitimacy of the ruling party. After the start of the modernization process, the ruling party once adopted a laissez-faire policy in the economic field and allowed a more competitive parliamentary democracy in the political field. In the process of modernization, East Asian authoritarian regimes have the characteristics of instrumentality and transition, which are embodied in the two dimensions of maintaining political stability and promoting economic growth. Confusion and personal charm are temporary substitutes for democracy. Although these ethnic conflicts have led to a major turning point in Malaysia's political development, they cannot negate the universal value of democracy. The inadequate absorptivity makes it impossible to reconcile the contradiction between competitive democracy and ethnicism. The broad coalition of ruling ethnic groups provides a new solution to political stability. The National Front, which has stronger collective action capacity, to a large extent, has become the institutional tool of UMNO, but on the other hand it has effectively avoided the social problems. Under the leadership of UMNO, the ruling coalition negotiates and distributes power, and the member parties become stakeholders in a sense, and the expansion and consolidation of the elite coalition become a structural factor of political stability.
Wutong adheres to the development doctrine, economic performance becomes its most important source of legitimacy, and realizes the functional transformation from economic growth to political stability. The repressive characteristics of governance stability are more prominent. Among them, ethnic factors are almost constant factors affecting political stability. The main ruling parties regard ethnic characteristics as their most basic legitimacy, and ethnic relations are given priority on the policy agenda. This undoubtedly gives authoritarian regimes some legitimacy in controlling ethnic conflicts. Successful economic development is a double-edged sword. While it provides great performance legitimacy for UMNO, it also breeds social factors that deconstruct the basis of its authoritarian rule. Therefore, the decline of authoritarianism is the inevitable result of the changes of modernization, in which political stability increasingly needs to be combined with democratization.
The legitimacy of the political party system is of great significance to political stability. Among them, institutionalization is an important way to obtain legitimacy and a basic yardstick to evaluate the political development of developing countries. On the other hand, there are still some serious defects in its political party system, for example, the traditional asylum system prevails in the system. Therefore, it is necessary to introduce democratization variables to establish the political party system through the coupling of institutionalization and democratization. Among all kinds of political authority, the authority of the ruling party has a direct impact on the legitimacy of the government. According to the evolution direction of the authority type, the authority of the political party should ultimately point to the system authority with the best form and the strongest legitimacy, which is most competent for the political integration in the process of modernization. Basic conditions for political stability; without effective institutional authority, developing countries can easily fall into the "failed state" situation.
Malaysia is a typical resilient authoritarian regime. Despite the increasing pressure of political transformation, subversive changes are unlikely to occur. This is because Malaysia's political system is more open to the outside world. Its institutional conditions are more conducive to gradual democratization and less conducive to the breeding of radicalism. The embryonic form of the "two-line system" has further emerged. The ruling party's quasi-hegemonic position has been shaken and its willingness to reform has risen. As a result, the burgeoning civil society is becoming a vital force in political development. The East Asian middle class is generally conservative and revolutionary: as beneficiaries of modernization, they are reluctant to see social and political order deteriorate; on the other hand, their demands for reform are becoming increasingly strong. As the main impetus of Malaysia's "new politics" Democratization has a complex impact on political stability. For emerging countries without democratic traditions, gradual political transformation is conducive to political stability at lower social costs. In addition to gradually expanding the absorption of political participation, we should also promote the formation of positive interaction between the state and society, so as to reconstruct political stability on the basis of new legitimacy.
In a word, based on the East Asian countries in the process of modernization, this paper tries to interpret the political stability of the times and take into account some new influential variables as far as possible. Among the political units that are not yet consolidated in the nation-states, the relationship between the state and society is facing adjustment, while the permeability factors such as globalization and network politics are becoming increasingly prominent. The social forces will gradually realize the transformation of the governance model, i.e. the establishment of a multi-dimensional governance structure dominated by the political party system and participated by multi-stakeholders. This flexible network structure will be more suitable for the needs of political stability. In short, the structural crisis of authoritarian regimes is inevitable, and whether the changes of the political party system in these countries will be possible in the future. Reflecting the change of social structure will have a far-reaching impact on its political development and political stability.
【學位授予單位】：山東大學
【學位級別】：博士
【學位授予年份】：2009
【分類號】：K33
【引證文獻】
相關期刊論文 前1條
1 宋效峰;;馬來西亞的“第三條道路”:民主行動黨的理念與實踐[J];東南亞南亞研究;2012年03期
，本文編號：2218959
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