中歐關(guān)系的去集中化研究
發(fā)布時(shí)間：2018-07-21 18:28
【摘要】：本文通過(guò)希臘和16+1機(jī)制的兩個(gè)案例研究回顧了歐債危機(jī)后中歐關(guān)系的去集中化。研究簡(jiǎn)要介紹了歐債危機(jī)前的中歐關(guān)系,并分析了兩國(guó)的反應(yīng)如何影響了他們的關(guān)系。此外,本文還探討了中歐關(guān)系去集中化的影響以及在未來(lái)中歐關(guān)系的合作中可能實(shí)施的舉措一,為中歐今后的合作提供了許多可能性。常規(guī)的研究重點(diǎn)是歐元區(qū)債務(wù)危機(jī)或中歐關(guān)系,而很少有學(xué)術(shù)作品正在試圖找出歐元區(qū)債務(wù)危機(jī)如何影響中歐關(guān)系的問(wèn)題的答案。本文試圖能更好的理解這個(gè)問(wèn)題。本文的主要論點(diǎn)是在歐元區(qū)的債務(wù)危機(jī)下,中歐關(guān)系是否更側(cè)重于與成員國(guó)的雙邊關(guān)系。這種轉(zhuǎn)變可以認(rèn)為是中歐關(guān)系的去集中化。這兩個(gè)研究問(wèn)題是一般性的問(wèn)題。權(quán)力下放是中歐關(guān)系的障礙嗎?歐盟的外交政策未來(lái)如何更加集中化?還有兩個(gè)問(wèn)題更加具體。第一個(gè)問(wèn)題是中國(guó)和歐盟在解決東歐國(guó)家和希臘的歐元區(qū)債務(wù)危機(jī)方面扮演了怎樣的角色?第二個(gè)問(wèn)題是中國(guó)和歐盟在解決東歐國(guó)家和希臘的歐元區(qū)債務(wù)危機(jī)方面發(fā)揮了什么作用?關(guān)于這兩個(gè)問(wèn)題的詳細(xì)分析可以在討論中希關(guān)系和16+1機(jī)制的兩章中找到。之所以選擇這兩個(gè)案例的原因如下:希臘是歐元區(qū)債務(wù)危機(jī)的象征,且其對(duì)中國(guó)“一帶一路”的倡議具有重要意義。中國(guó)提出了的16 + 1機(jī)制,由于這個(gè)機(jī)制,中東歐國(guó)家與中國(guó)的關(guān)系大為改善。這是一個(gè)對(duì)于歐盟來(lái)說(shuō)十分重要的問(wèn)題,因?yàn)闅W盟不僅要應(yīng)對(duì)金融危機(jī),還要應(yīng)對(duì)意識(shí)形態(tài)問(wèn)題。如果雙邊關(guān)系比中歐關(guān)系具有更大的意義,可能會(huì)導(dǎo)致這種關(guān)系的離散化。本文提出了如何改善中歐關(guān)系,避免進(jìn)一步權(quán)力下放的可能辦法。權(quán)力下放可能對(duì)中歐關(guān)系產(chǎn)生不利影響,且關(guān)系到符合雙方加強(qiáng)2004年建立的全面戰(zhàn)略伙伴關(guān)系的利益。本文的主要資料來(lái)源為歐盟和中國(guó)的官方政策文件、歐盟和中國(guó)機(jī)構(gòu)的網(wǎng)站、網(wǎng)絡(luò)資料和有關(guān)中歐關(guān)系的期刊文章。二手資料來(lái)源是專注于歐元區(qū)債務(wù)危機(jī)或中歐關(guān)系的學(xué)術(shù)文獻(xiàn)。所引用的學(xué)術(shù)論文主要有朱莉亞·梅澤爾和貝塔·烏德瓦里所寫的債務(wù)危機(jī)對(duì)中歐關(guān)系的影響以及漢斯·肯德尼尼所寫的關(guān)于經(jīng)濟(jì)依賴如何破壞歐洲的外交政策一致性的政策簡(jiǎn)報(bào)。這項(xiàng)研究中所引用的最重要的學(xué)術(shù)文獻(xiàn)之一是21世紀(jì)全球政治中的中國(guó)與歐洲:伙伴關(guān)系,競(jìng)爭(zhēng)與共同進(jìn)化。其章節(jié)對(duì)歐洲主權(quán)債務(wù)危機(jī)既來(lái)自歐洲也來(lái)自中國(guó)的主題提供了平衡性的觀點(diǎn)。本文的論據(jù)支撐可以在歐盟和中國(guó)的政策文件中找到,但不是主要來(lái)源。最明顯的證據(jù)是中國(guó)和中東歐國(guó)家之間不斷增加的貿(mào)易。中希關(guān)系也是如此。本文的研究成果如下。未來(lái)的權(quán)力下放可能會(huì)成為一個(gè)障礙,并對(duì)中歐關(guān)系造成負(fù)面影響,這意味著雙邊關(guān)系的進(jìn)展放緩。歐盟成員國(guó)傾向于以自己的方式深化與中國(guó)的關(guān)系,因此在共同政策問(wèn)題上達(dá)成共識(shí)可能會(huì)變得復(fù)雜化。歐盟應(yīng)加強(qiáng)與成員國(guó)的溝通,強(qiáng)調(diào)歐盟外交政策中共同聲音的重要性。考慮到以前歐盟激勵(lì)其成員國(guó)的嘗試方法是失敗的,因此實(shí)現(xiàn)這項(xiàng)任務(wù)的成功是很難的。如果歐盟成員國(guó)和歐盟的經(jīng)濟(jì)形勢(shì)總體上有所改善,中歐關(guān)系就會(huì)更密切。歐盟內(nèi)部出口和進(jìn)口的下降減少了其對(duì)外國(guó)投資者和資本的依賴。中國(guó)和歐盟對(duì)歐元區(qū)債務(wù)危機(jī)的反應(yīng)截然不同。中國(guó)明確表示愿意幫助,但強(qiáng)調(diào),主要是由歐盟來(lái)解決自身經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題。由于歐盟的預(yù)算有限,歐盟條約缺乏立法支持,歐盟沒(méi)有多少方法來(lái)幫助會(huì)員國(guó)克服經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題。許多成員國(guó)已經(jīng)找到解決增加公共債務(wù)的辦法,尋找歐盟以外的貿(mào)易伙伴重啟經(jīng)濟(jì),而中國(guó)正是這樣一個(gè)完美的候選人。許多事實(shí)證明,希臘是中歐關(guān)系的堅(jiān)定支持者。但是,由于希臘經(jīng)濟(jì)援助的條件,三駕馬車地區(qū)的最新發(fā)展引發(fā)了緊張局勢(shì)。一方面,由于歐盟更加緊縮的措施,另一方面,來(lái)自中國(guó)的更強(qiáng)有力的經(jīng)濟(jì)支持,希臘可能會(huì)改變對(duì)歐盟的看法。權(quán)力下放的另一個(gè)來(lái)源是16+1機(jī)制。為了向歐盟表明16+1機(jī)制不是威脅,中國(guó)邀請(qǐng)歐盟代表參加每一個(gè)峰會(huì),并在最后聲明中加入條款,會(huì)議期間商定的一切都符合歐盟法規(guī)。但歐盟很少表達(dá)對(duì)這一機(jī)制的看法。中國(guó)與會(huì)員國(guó)雙邊關(guān)系的日益重要意味著對(duì)歐盟外交政策的關(guān)注較少。歐盟需要其所有成員的支持來(lái)改善其狀況,但直到歐盟解決自己的內(nèi)部問(wèn)題這種情況才會(huì)發(fā)生。因此,中歐戰(zhàn)略伙伴關(guān)系的進(jìn)展可能會(huì)放緩,未來(lái)也可能會(huì)失去其重要性。中國(guó)的一帶一路倡議和歐盟的“歐洲投資計(jì)劃”為中歐關(guān)系提供了良機(jī)。這些舉措的成功合作和共同成就意味著中歐關(guān)系可能加強(qiáng)。中歐戰(zhàn)略伙伴關(guān)系發(fā)展的方式有三種:減少,停滯或改善�；谶M(jìn)行的研究,最有可能出現(xiàn)的是第二種情況。
[Abstract]:This paper reviews the centralization of Sino EU relations after the European debt crisis through two case studies of the Greek and 16+1 mechanisms. The study briefly introduces the Sino EU relations before the European debt crisis and analyzes how the two countries' reaction affects their relations. In addition, this paper also discusses the impact of the centralization of China EU relations and the future EU relations. The possible initiatives in cooperation provide many possibilities for China EU cooperation in the future. The regular research focuses on the euro zone debt crisis or China EU relations, while few academic works are trying to find out how the euro zone debt crisis affects China EU relations. This article tries to better understand this issue. The main point of this article is whether China EU relations are more focused on the bilateral relations with the member countries under the debt crisis in the euro zone. This change can be considered to be the centralization of China EU relations. The two research issues are general issues. Is power decentralization a barrier to China EU relations? How is the future of EU foreign policy more concentrated? Two questions are more specific. The first one is what role China and the EU play in solving the euro zone debt crisis in Eastern European countries and Greece? The second question is what role China and the EU play in solving the euro zone debt crisis in Eastern European countries and Greece, and the detailed points on these two issues. The analysis can be found in the two chapters of the Sino Greek relationship and the 16+1 mechanism. The reasons for choosing these two cases are as follows: Greece is a symbol of the euro zone debt crisis and it is of great significance to the initiative of China's "along the road". The 16 + 1 mechanism proposed by China, because of this mechanism, has a great relationship with China. This is a very important issue for the European Union, because the EU is not only responding to the financial crisis but also the ideological problem. If bilateral relations are more significant than China EU relations, it may lead to the discretization of this relationship. This article puts forward how to improve China EU relations and avoid further decentralization. Power decentralization may have a negative impact on China EU relations, and it is related to the interests of the comprehensive strategic partnership established by the two sides in 2004. The main sources of this paper are the official policy documents of the EU and China, the website of the EU and China institutions, the network materials and the periodicals on China EU relations. The source is the academic literature focused on the euro zone debt crisis or Sino European relations. The academic papers cited mainly include the impact of the debt crisis written by Julia Maer and Berta Udvari on China EU relations and the policy Hans Kendy wrote about how economic dependence destroys European foreign policy consistency. One of the most important academic documents cited in this study is the twenty-first Century global politics of China and Europe: partnership, competition and co evolution. The chapter provides a balanced view on the European sovereign debt crisis both from Europe and China. The most obvious evidence is the growing trade between China and central and Eastern European countries. This is the same. The results of this paper are as follows. Future power decentralization may become an obstacle and a negative impact on China EU relations, which means that the progress of bilateral relations is slowing. The member states tend to deepen their relations with China in their own way, so the consensus on common policy may become complicated. The EU should strengthen communication with its member countries and emphasize the importance of the common voice in the EU's foreign policy. The success of the task is difficult. If the economic situation of EU member countries and the EU has improved in general, China EU relations will be closer. The decline in EU internal exports and imports reduces its dependence on foreign investors and capital. China and the EU have a distinct response to the euro zone debt crisis. China is clearly willing to help. But it emphasizes, mainly by the European Union, to solve its own economic problems. As the EU has limited budgets, the EU treaty lacks legislative support and the EU has little ways to help member countries overcome the economic problems. Many members have found solutions to increase public debt and seek to reopen the economy outside the EU's trading partners, and China is in the right place. It is such a perfect candidate. Many facts have proved that Greece is a strong supporter of China EU relations. But, due to the conditions of the Greek economic aid, the latest developments in the three carriages area have caused tension. On the one hand, because of the tightening measures of the European Union, on the other hand, the stronger economic support from China, Greece can be more powerful. The 16+1 mechanism is another source of decentralization. In order to show the EU that the 16+1 mechanism is not a threat, China invites the EU representatives to participate in each summit and to join the terms in the final statement. All the agreements agreed during the meeting are in accordance with the EU regulations. But the EU rarely expresses its views on this mechanism. The growing importance of bilateral relations with Member States means less attention to the EU's foreign policy. The EU needs the support of all its members to improve its situation, but it will not happen until the EU solves its own internal problems. Therefore, the progress of the Sino EU strategic partnership may slow down and may lose its importance in the future. China's regional initiative and the European investment plan of the EU provide a good opportunity for China EU relations. The successful cooperation and common achievements of these initiatives mean that China EU relations may be strengthened. There are three ways of developing China EU strategic partnership: reduction, stagnation or improvement. The most likely research is second. The situation.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：上海外國(guó)語(yǔ)大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號(hào)】：D822.35
本文編號(hào)：2136427
[Abstract]:This paper reviews the centralization of Sino EU relations after the European debt crisis through two case studies of the Greek and 16+1 mechanisms. The study briefly introduces the Sino EU relations before the European debt crisis and analyzes how the two countries' reaction affects their relations. In addition, this paper also discusses the impact of the centralization of China EU relations and the future EU relations. The possible initiatives in cooperation provide many possibilities for China EU cooperation in the future. The regular research focuses on the euro zone debt crisis or China EU relations, while few academic works are trying to find out how the euro zone debt crisis affects China EU relations. This article tries to better understand this issue. The main point of this article is whether China EU relations are more focused on the bilateral relations with the member countries under the debt crisis in the euro zone. This change can be considered to be the centralization of China EU relations. The two research issues are general issues. Is power decentralization a barrier to China EU relations? How is the future of EU foreign policy more concentrated? Two questions are more specific. The first one is what role China and the EU play in solving the euro zone debt crisis in Eastern European countries and Greece? The second question is what role China and the EU play in solving the euro zone debt crisis in Eastern European countries and Greece, and the detailed points on these two issues. The analysis can be found in the two chapters of the Sino Greek relationship and the 16+1 mechanism. The reasons for choosing these two cases are as follows: Greece is a symbol of the euro zone debt crisis and it is of great significance to the initiative of China's "along the road". The 16 + 1 mechanism proposed by China, because of this mechanism, has a great relationship with China. This is a very important issue for the European Union, because the EU is not only responding to the financial crisis but also the ideological problem. If bilateral relations are more significant than China EU relations, it may lead to the discretization of this relationship. This article puts forward how to improve China EU relations and avoid further decentralization. Power decentralization may have a negative impact on China EU relations, and it is related to the interests of the comprehensive strategic partnership established by the two sides in 2004. The main sources of this paper are the official policy documents of the EU and China, the website of the EU and China institutions, the network materials and the periodicals on China EU relations. The source is the academic literature focused on the euro zone debt crisis or Sino European relations. The academic papers cited mainly include the impact of the debt crisis written by Julia Maer and Berta Udvari on China EU relations and the policy Hans Kendy wrote about how economic dependence destroys European foreign policy consistency. One of the most important academic documents cited in this study is the twenty-first Century global politics of China and Europe: partnership, competition and co evolution. The chapter provides a balanced view on the European sovereign debt crisis both from Europe and China. The most obvious evidence is the growing trade between China and central and Eastern European countries. This is the same. The results of this paper are as follows. Future power decentralization may become an obstacle and a negative impact on China EU relations, which means that the progress of bilateral relations is slowing. The member states tend to deepen their relations with China in their own way, so the consensus on common policy may become complicated. The EU should strengthen communication with its member countries and emphasize the importance of the common voice in the EU's foreign policy. The success of the task is difficult. If the economic situation of EU member countries and the EU has improved in general, China EU relations will be closer. The decline in EU internal exports and imports reduces its dependence on foreign investors and capital. China and the EU have a distinct response to the euro zone debt crisis. China is clearly willing to help. But it emphasizes, mainly by the European Union, to solve its own economic problems. As the EU has limited budgets, the EU treaty lacks legislative support and the EU has little ways to help member countries overcome the economic problems. Many members have found solutions to increase public debt and seek to reopen the economy outside the EU's trading partners, and China is in the right place. It is such a perfect candidate. Many facts have proved that Greece is a strong supporter of China EU relations. But, due to the conditions of the Greek economic aid, the latest developments in the three carriages area have caused tension. On the one hand, because of the tightening measures of the European Union, on the other hand, the stronger economic support from China, Greece can be more powerful. The 16+1 mechanism is another source of decentralization. In order to show the EU that the 16+1 mechanism is not a threat, China invites the EU representatives to participate in each summit and to join the terms in the final statement. All the agreements agreed during the meeting are in accordance with the EU regulations. But the EU rarely expresses its views on this mechanism. The growing importance of bilateral relations with Member States means less attention to the EU's foreign policy. The EU needs the support of all its members to improve its situation, but it will not happen until the EU solves its own internal problems. Therefore, the progress of the Sino EU strategic partnership may slow down and may lose its importance in the future. China's regional initiative and the European investment plan of the EU provide a good opportunity for China EU relations. The successful cooperation and common achievements of these initiatives mean that China EU relations may be strengthened. There are three ways of developing China EU strategic partnership: reduction, stagnation or improvement. The most likely research is second. The situation.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：上海外國(guó)語(yǔ)大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號(hào)】：D822.35
【參考文獻(xiàn)】
中國(guó)期刊全文數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù) 前2條
1 Loh Su Hsing;;A New Phase for Sino-EU Economic Ties[J];Beijing Review;2012年09期
2 羅傳健;;歐洲主權(quán)債務(wù)危機(jī)及其對(duì)中歐貿(mào)易的影響研究[J];國(guó)際貿(mào)易問(wèn)題;2011年12期
，本文編號(hào)：2136427
本文鏈接：http://www.sikaile.net/shekelunwen/waijiao/2136427.html
最近更新
教材專著
