清末至民國時期新疆的罌粟種植和鴉片販運
[Abstract]:From the late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China, the phenomenon of opium overflowing, opium cultivation, opium production and opium trafficking became one of the most serious social problems in China at that time. The study of opium problem in Xinjiang from the late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China was mostly confined to the aspect of drug control, emphasizing the enormous harm of opium to the modern society of Xinjiang, and the research achievements on opium cultivation and opium trafficking in Xinjiang during that period were few. The period of the relaxation of the ban on opium by the Xinjiang government was much longer than the period of the strict ban. If only the short-term ban on opium was emphasized, and the study of the cultivation of opium and the trade of opium was neglected for a long time, it would be difficult to really understand the opium problem in Xinjiang from the late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China, and even less to understand the objective necessity of the existence of opium in Xinjiang society during that period. From this point of view, the research in this paper is still very meaningful.
The first part of this paper is the introduction. The second and third parts of this paper are divided into two periods according to the time sequence: the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China. They are respectively to study the development and change of poppy cultivation area in Xinjiang during the two periods, the change trend of local drug production, the change of foreign medicine sources, the development and change of opium trade routes and the government's "forbidden" policy. The fourth part mainly discusses the far-reaching influence of opium on Xinjiang society from the late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China.
The first part is the introduction, mainly discussing the reason and significance of the topic, the definition of the scope of the study, the related academic research, the research content, research ideas and innovations.
In the second part, the development and changes of poppy cultivation and opium trafficking in Xinjiang in the late Qing Dynasty were restored and analyzed, and it was concluded that since the emphasis of prohibiting smoking in Xinjiang in the late Qing Dynasty was on the prohibition of "foreign drugs", the poppy cultivation area in Xinjiang was not limited to the old opium producing areas such as Qitai, Suilai and Changji. Tacheng and other places have also become smoking areas, southern Xinjiang due to poor natural conditions and religious taboos and other reasons, poppy cultivation did not develop significantly. Foreign medicine in the Daoguang years of the ban on smoking was affected to a certain extent, but the short-term ban on smoking because of the failure of the Opium War and the Qing government's relaxation of the ban on opium policy and failed. Central Asia was the main source of foreign medicines in Xinjiang during that period. Trafficking routes of foreign medicines in Xinjiang were mostly along the trade routes along the northern margin of the Tarim Basin. After entering Dihua in northern Xinjiang, they were trafficked into the mainland. After the ban on smoking in Daoguang, the government began to effectively manage opium trafficking in order to ensure its tax subsidies to Xinjiang's military and government expenditures, which also led to the late Qing Dynasty. Opium poppy cultivation and opium trade in Xinjiang have been further developed.
In the third part, the poppy planting areas in Xinjiang changed greatly during the period of the Republic of China. The anti-smoking campaign of Yang Zengxin's government focused on "prohibiting planting" resulted in the basic prohibition of poppy planting in the old poppy planting areas in the southern margin of Junggar Basin centered on Dihua. In addition, frequent wars during this period made it difficult for the poppy planting in the above-mentioned areas to be sustained. Yili, Tacheng, Ashan and other places, because they were located in the frontier, less war, so the three places became the main areas of poppy cultivation in northern Xinjiang during this period. The transfer of inland trade routes further promoted the development of poppy cultivation and opium trade in these areas. In addition, because of the enormous effect of opium tax on Xinjiang's military and political operation and commercial trade, the government basically held an attitude of relaxing the ban on opium.
The fourth part discusses the objective inevitability and far-reaching influence of opium in Xinjiang from the late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China, including positive and negative aspects.
【學(xué)位授予單位】:陜西師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級別】:碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】:2012
【分類號】:K252;F329
【相似文獻】
相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條
1 西爾維婭·普拉斯;趙瓊;島子;;十月的罌粟[J];詩潮;2011年01期
2 張波;;畸網(wǎng)[J];遼河;2011年08期
3 內(nèi)田知行 ,劉春芳;山西省日軍侵占區(qū)的鴉片管理政策[J];文史月刊;1995年Z1期
4 東蕩子;;很快就要走了[J];詩刊;2009年10期
5 黃百靈;清朝云南的罌粟種植及其對農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟的影響[J];四川大學(xué)學(xué)報(哲學(xué)社會科學(xué)版);2004年S1期
6 南子;;未刪節(jié)的(組詩)[J];詩選刊;2011年02期
7 潘昌基;罌粟花爆艷的日子[J];文史天地;2001年12期
8 郁笛;;你是我的罌粟花瓣(組詩)[J];詩刊;2008年16期
9 夏冰;;紅罌粟[J];詩刊;1989年01期
10 遲子建;香氣[J];華北電力大學(xué)學(xué)報(社會科學(xué)版);1996年01期
相關(guān)會議論文 前10條
1 張長江;程存歸;;采用離散平穩(wěn)小波變換FTIR法鑒別罌粟和虞美人[A];第十四屆全國分子光譜學(xué)術(shù)會議論文集[C];2006年
2 王宏斌;;中國近代禁毒史研究的新視野[A];過去的經(jīng)驗與未來的可能走向——中國近代史研究三十年(1979-2009)[C];2009年
3 隋麗娟;鄧天紅;;清末民初黑龍江省禁毒成敗述論[A];創(chuàng)新思想·科學(xué)發(fā)展·構(gòu)建和諧——黑龍江省首屆社會科學(xué)學(xué)術(shù)年會優(yōu)秀論文集下冊[C];2008年
4 隋麗娟;鄧天紅;;清末民初黑龍江省禁毒成敗述論[A];龍江春秋——黑水文化論集之四[C];2006年
5 霍秀敏;;白花罌粟植物提取樣品中嗎啡含量的測定[A];首屆全國毒品檢驗技術(shù)交流會論文集[C];1997年
6 霍秀敏;;紅花罌粟植物不同種類果皮及各個部位中蒂巴因含量的測定[A];首屆全國毒品檢驗技術(shù)交流會論文集[C];1997年
7 顧玉林;胡豐涵;郭兵;;罌粟鹼和酚妥拉明鑒定男性性功能障礙64例分析[A];全國第六次法醫(yī)學(xué)術(shù)交流會論文摘要集[C];2000年
8 郝平;;也談山西“丁戊奇荒”之原因[A];華北鄉(xiāng)村史學(xué)術(shù)研討會論文集[C];2001年
9 侯小改;張亞冰;張贊平;孫會忠;宋鵬;;不同株型牡丹品種染色體核型分析[A];河南省細胞生物學(xué)學(xué)會第二屆會員代表大會暨學(xué)術(shù)研討會論文摘要集[C];2009年
10 邵育群;;阿富汗毒品問題及其相關(guān)國際合作——中國的角色分析[A];2008年度上海市社會科學(xué)界第六屆學(xué)術(shù)年會文集(世界經(jīng)濟·國際政治·國際關(guān)系學(xué)科卷)[C];2008年
相關(guān)重要報紙文章 前10條
1 海檢 陳彥;普法普出“種毒”人?[N];人民日報;2003年
2 王新兵 馮明;種罌粟,不為牟利也違法[N];中國民族報;2003年
3 本報記者 梅禮成;種一株罌粟也違法[N];中國消費者報;2001年
4 本報記者 鄧久翔 劉娟;罌粟,用替代的方式禁絕[N];經(jīng)濟參考報;2009年
5 劉文明 候禎祥;神池縣禁種罌粟專項行動成效明顯[N];忻州日報;2009年
6 劉朝傳 施曉燕;佤邦:艱難的禁毒諾言[N];南方周末;2005年
7 偉鋒;“冰島罌粟”與“罌粟”引發(fā)官司[N];中國工商報;2002年
8 記者 金蘋蘋;“蒸發(fā)的人”:罌粟曾盛開 浮云已消散[N];上海證券報;2010年
9 通訊員 梁鋒 黨萬里;興隆警方鏟除非法種植罌粟[N];安康日報;2010年
10 記者 趙磊 王長山;金三角:“中國”甘蔗正在攆走罌粟[N];新華每日電訊;2005年
相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前10條
1 葉盛;清末至民國時期新疆的罌粟種植和鴉片販運[D];陜西師范大學(xué);2012年
2 竺海霞;晚清甘肅省罌粟地稅研究[D];河北師范大學(xué);2010年
3 黃芳芳;晚清民國時期西南鴉片流毒研究[D];云南大學(xué);2011年
4 李真;日本毒化河北實態(tài)研究(1937~1945)[D];河北大學(xué);2010年
5 田小雄;論清末禁煙運動對清末新政的影響[D];吉林大學(xué);2012年
6 張杰;山西交城大煙種植與農(nóng)村經(jīng)濟概況研究(1947-1949)[D];河北師范大學(xué);2011年
7 曾娟;1935-1940年間四川大竹縣禁煙的歷史考察[D];四川師范大學(xué);2010年
8 張丹丹;清朝道光時期(1821-1840年)禁煙立法探析[D];西南政法大學(xué);2011年
9 李慧英;近代浙江鴉片問題研究[D];寧波大學(xué);2009年
10 田雪瑩;論東北淪陷時期日本鴉片政策[D];黑龍江省社會科學(xué)院;2010年
,本文編號:2228852
本文鏈接:http://www.sikaile.net/shekelunwen/zgjxds/2228852.html