本文選題：冷戰(zhàn)后　切入點(diǎn)：接觸政策　出處：《河南大學(xué)》2010年碩士論文　論文類型：學(xué)位論文

【摘要】： 經(jīng)歷冷戰(zhàn)后期的密切合作之后,隨著蘇聯(lián)的解體,美國對(duì)華政策再次面臨著重建戰(zhàn)略共識(shí)、探索新框架的必要選擇。冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后,美國學(xué)術(shù)界就引發(fā)了關(guān)于對(duì)華政策的大辯論,逐漸趨于形成以對(duì)華接觸政策為主的共識(shí),以期實(shí)現(xiàn)美國利益的最大化。老布什政府率先提出了對(duì)華“全面接觸”政策,但在相當(dāng)程度上仍屬權(quán)宜之計(jì),其接觸的范圍有限,尚屬于淺層次的接觸。其主要是針對(duì)“六?四”事件后美國國內(nèi)出現(xiàn)的孤立中國的主張而提出的,其目的是為了維持尼克松以來的既定政策�？肆诸D政府在執(zhí)政初期,由于將人權(quán)問題置于中美關(guān)系的核心而使兩國關(guān)系陷入低谷,直到其第一任期結(jié)束時(shí)提出對(duì)華實(shí)施“接觸戰(zhàn)略”后才有所好轉(zhuǎn)。克林頓政府的接觸政策在廣度和深度上較老布什時(shí)期明顯提升,但在接觸的同時(shí)也開始注重防范的一面,可謂是“兩面下注”。其對(duì)華“全面接觸”政策基本維持和推進(jìn)了中美關(guān)系的進(jìn)一步發(fā)展,并且也大致確立了美國對(duì)華政策的基本框架,即與中國保持接觸的基本原則。小布什政府在上臺(tái)伊始,雖然抨擊克林頓政府對(duì)華政策過于“軟弱”,并視中國為“戰(zhàn)略競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手”,使其對(duì)華政策一度有轉(zhuǎn)向“遏制”之勢(shì)。但現(xiàn)實(shí)又迫使其改弦易張,希望中國成為“負(fù)責(zé)任的利益攸關(guān)者”。從實(shí)際內(nèi)容來看,小布什的對(duì)華政策雖無接觸之名,卻有接觸之實(shí),接觸的范圍和層次已超越“簡(jiǎn)單的接觸”。與老布什、克林頓時(shí)期相比較,小布什政府在保持對(duì)華合作的同時(shí),更多地強(qiáng)調(diào)對(duì)華進(jìn)行防范和圍堵。那么,接觸政策能否成為以后美國政府對(duì)華的一貫主張,是值得學(xué)界進(jìn)一步深入分析探討的問題。 本文在前人研究的基礎(chǔ)上,試圖采用比較研究的方法以及分析與綜合相結(jié)合、歷史與邏輯相統(tǒng)一等方法,從多種角度對(duì)冷戰(zhàn)后美國的對(duì)華接觸政策進(jìn)行系統(tǒng)梳理和考察,總結(jié)其接觸政策的原因、內(nèi)容、特點(diǎn)及目標(biāo)等,并據(jù)此大膽推測(cè)出今后美國政府對(duì)華政策的主線將繼承和延續(xù)前幾任政府的對(duì)華接觸與合作政策,只是在一些偶然因素下會(huì)有所波動(dòng)。但是,接觸作為一個(gè)手段和過程,通過與中國各個(gè)層面的交往與了解,以更好地實(shí)現(xiàn)美國的利益,是美國對(duì)華接觸政策的根本目標(biāo)。在增進(jìn)中美互信與互惠,努力將中國融入現(xiàn)有的以美國為主導(dǎo)的國際體系同時(shí),防范中國崛起對(duì)美國構(gòu)成的挑戰(zhàn),將是未來美國對(duì)華戰(zhàn)策的總體趨勢(shì)。
[Abstract]:After the close cooperation of the late Cold War, with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the United States' China policy once again faced the need to rebuild the strategic consensus and explore the necessary choice of a new framework. After the end of the cold war, the American academic community triggered a great debate on the China policy. Gradually, the consensus on the policy of engagement with China has been formed, with a view to maximizing the interests of the United States. The Bush administration first put forward the policy of "comprehensive engagement" with China, but to a certain extent it is still an expedient measure, and its scope of contact is limited. It is still a shallow contact. It is mainly aimed at "six?" The purpose of the proposition of isolating China that emerged in the United States after the incident is to maintain the established policy since Nixon. The Clinton administration was in the early days of its administration. By placing the issue of human rights at the heart of Sino-US relations, the relationship between the two countries has fallen into a trough. It was not until the end of its first term that the "engagement strategy" with China was put forward. The Clinton administration's engagement policy was significantly higher in scope and depth than in the Bush era, but it also began to pay attention to the side of prevention while engaging. It can be described as a "two-sided bet". Its policy of "comprehensive engagement" with China has basically maintained and promoted the further development of Sino-US relations, and has also roughly established the basic framework of the US policy on China. That is, the basic principle of maintaining contact with China. When the Bush administration came to power, Although the Clinton administration was criticized for being too "weak" in its China policy and regarded China as a "strategic competitor", it once turned its policy toward China into "containment." but reality has forced it to change its course. I hope that China will become a "responsible stakeholder." judging from the actual content, although Bush Jr.'s China policy has no name for contact, it has the reality of contact. The scope and level of contacts have gone beyond "simple contacts." During the Clinton period, the Bush administration, while maintaining cooperation with China, stressed more on prevention and containment of China. Well, can the engagement policy become a consistent proposition of the US Government toward China in the future? It is a problem worthy of further analysis and discussion in academic circles. On the basis of previous studies, this paper attempts to use the methods of comparative research and combination of analysis and synthesis, the unification of history and logic, and so on, to systematically comb and investigate the American engagement policy towards China after the Cold War from various angles. By summing up the reasons, contents, characteristics and objectives of its engagement policy, it is boldly inferred that the main line of the US Government's policy towards China in the future will inherit and continue the engagement and cooperation policies of the previous administrations with China. But contact, as a means and process, can better realize the interests of the United States through interaction and understanding with China at all levels. It is the fundamental goal of the United States' engagement policy with China. While enhancing mutual trust and mutual benefit between China and the United States, and striving to integrate China into the existing US-led international system, we should guard against the challenges posed to the United States by the rise of China. It will be the general trend of America's strategy toward China in the future.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：河南大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2010
【分類號(hào)】：D871.2

【引證文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前2條

1 藺銳;建構(gòu)主義視域下的中美軍事交流（1979-2010）[D];河南大學(xué);2011年

2 張雪;冷戰(zhàn)后美國對(duì)華政策中的宗教因素研究[D];浙江大學(xué);2013年

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本文編號(hào)：1631921