【摘要】：根據(jù)中國(guó)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)信息中心(以下簡(jiǎn)稱“CNNIC”)發(fā)布的《第39次中國(guó)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)發(fā)展?fàn)顩r統(tǒng)計(jì)報(bào)告》對(duì)網(wǎng)民的上網(wǎng)設(shè)備進(jìn)行的調(diào)查,臺(tái)式電腦、筆記本電腦的使用率均出現(xiàn)下降,手機(jī)成為了網(wǎng)民主要的上網(wǎng)工具。數(shù)據(jù)顯示,截止2016年12月,我國(guó)手機(jī)網(wǎng)民規(guī)模達(dá)6. 96億,由2015年的90.1%提升至95. 1%。網(wǎng)民上網(wǎng)設(shè)備進(jìn)一步向移動(dòng)端集中,網(wǎng)民接受和傳播信息的方式發(fā)生了改變。媒體信息傳播由傳統(tǒng)的單一線性傳播轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)槎嗲�、交叉式傳播方�?更加注重人際傳播,并試圖將人際傳播與大眾傳播緊密結(jié)合起來(lái)。網(wǎng)民接收資訊渠道也不僅限于報(bào)紙、電視和新聞客戶端等傳統(tǒng)新聞媒介,越來(lái)越多的網(wǎng)民選擇從日常高頻接觸的微信、微博、各軟件推送中獲取資訊。根據(jù)《2016年中國(guó)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)新聞市場(chǎng)研究報(bào)告》顯示,社交平臺(tái)、手機(jī)瀏覽器和新聞客戶端成為互聯(lián)網(wǎng)新聞三大主要分發(fā)渠道。其中,移動(dòng)社交平臺(tái)和手機(jī)瀏覽器基于用戶規(guī)模龐大和用戶高頻使用的優(yōu)勢(shì),成為互聯(lián)網(wǎng)新聞?dòng)脩艚邮招畔⒌闹饕肟�。近年�?lái),以微博、微信為首的社交應(yīng)用由于其具有互動(dòng)性、開(kāi)放性和包容性的特點(diǎn)受到年輕人的廣泛喜愛(ài)。由于微博具有信息傳播范圍廣、速度快、產(chǎn)生巨大影響力的特點(diǎn),其原本的社交功能被逐漸削弱,逐漸發(fā)展為了公眾獲取資訊的平臺(tái)。也因?yàn)檫@個(gè)原因,最近幾年不少社會(huì)熱門事件首先爆發(fā)于微博隨后被廣泛傳播�？呻S之而來(lái)的是公眾輿論的強(qiáng)大影響力所衍生的網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力現(xiàn)象。針對(duì)近年來(lái)網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力頻發(fā)的現(xiàn)象,“北京八達(dá)嶺野生動(dòng)物園老虎咬人事件”中網(wǎng)民對(duì)趙女士的抨擊、“羅一笑事件”中網(wǎng)民對(duì)父親羅爾的指責(zé)都掀起了一場(chǎng)場(chǎng)網(wǎng)絡(luò)輿論浪潮,也引發(fā)了網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力。本文以微博為例,著重分析網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力的表現(xiàn)形式和形成原因,并針對(duì)所分析原因提出幾點(diǎn)關(guān)于網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力治理的看法。本文意在表達(dá)三個(gè)觀點(diǎn),一是網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力的發(fā)起者不一定是“三低網(wǎng)民”,在主力群體為高學(xué)歷人群的微博平臺(tái)之中,網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力也時(shí)常發(fā)生。二是網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力受到多種因素影響,網(wǎng)民只是其中一部分。三是網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力并不可怕,它的存在有著必然性和客觀性。用科學(xué)審視的眼光看待網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力,科學(xué)分析其形成原因能夠更好地找出緩解網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力切之可行的方法,知其然更要知其所以然。關(guān)于網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力的治理,一定要秉持著“從群眾中來(lái),到群眾中去”的原則,選擇網(wǎng)民樂(lè)于接受的方式宣傳網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力的危害,不能將治理網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力停留在官方和理論層面�！肮俜捷浾搱�(chǎng)”和“民間輿論場(chǎng)”之間要搭建信息互通的橋梁,網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力的治理要靠“疏”而非“堵”,網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力的治理要保證人民意見(jiàn)的自由表達(dá)。解決網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力并非一朝一夕就可完成,還要經(jīng)過(guò)政府、媒體和公眾三方的協(xié)調(diào)合作方能取得成效。
[Abstract]:According to the 39th Statistical report on Internet Development in China released by the China Internet Information Center (hereinafter referred to as "CNNIC"), the use of desktop computers and laptops has decreased. Mobile phone has become the main Internet tool for netizens. According to the data, as of December 2016, the size of mobile phone netizens in China reached 6. 5%. In 9.6 billion, it rose to 95 from 90.1 per cent in 2015. One. Internet devices are further concentrated on the mobile end, and the way netizens receive and disseminate information has changed. Media information communication has changed from traditional single linear communication to multi-channel, cross-cutting communication mode, paying more attention to interpersonal communication, and trying to combine interpersonal communication with mass communication closely. Netizens receive information channels are not limited to newspapers, television and news clients and other traditional news media, more and more netizens choose to obtain information from daily high-frequency contact with WeChat, Weibo and software push. According to the 2016 China Internet News Market Research report, social platforms, mobile browsers and news clients have become the three main distribution channels of Internet news. Among them, mobile social platform and mobile browser become the main entrance for Internet news users to receive information because of the large scale of users and the advantages of high frequency use of users. In recent years, social applications led by Weibo and WeChat have been widely loved by young people because of their interactive, open and inclusive characteristics. Because Weibo has the characteristics of wide dissemination of information, fast speed and great influence, its original social function has been gradually weakened and gradually developed as a platform for the public to obtain information. For this reason, many popular social events in recent years first broke out on Weibo and were then widely spread. What can be followed is the phenomenon of cyber violence derived from the strong influence of public opinion. In view of the frequent occurrence of cyber violence in recent years, the netizens attacked Ms. Zhao in the tiger bite incident at Badaling Wildlife Park in Beijing, and the netizens' accusations against their father Luo er in the Luo Yixiao incident all set off a wave of online public opinion. It also triggered cyber violence. Taking Weibo as an example, this paper focuses on the analysis of the manifestation and causes of network violence, and puts forward some views on the governance of network violence in view of the reasons analyzed. The purpose of this paper is to express three views. First, the sponsors of cyber violence are not necessarily "three low netizens". In the Weibo platform, where the main group is highly educated people, cyber violence often occurs. Second, network violence is affected by many factors, netizens are only one of them. Third, network violence is not terrible, its existence has necessity and objectivity. Looking at cyber violence from a scientific perspective, scientifically analyzing the causes of cyber violence can better find out a feasible way to alleviate cyber violence, and know why it is more important to know. With regard to the governance of cyber violence, we must adhere to the principle of "coming from and going to the masses", choose ways that netizens are willing to accept to propagandize the harm of cyber violence, and do not keep the governance of cyber violence at the official and theoretical levels. The bridge between "official public opinion field" and "folk public opinion field" should be built, the governance of network violence should rely on "sparse" rather than "blocking", and the governance of network violence should ensure the free expression of people's opinions. Solving cyber violence can not be accomplished overnight, but can be achieved through the coordination and cooperation of the government, the media and the public.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：遼寧大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2017
【分類號(hào)】：C913.4;G206

【參考文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條

1 潘彤;;我國(guó)網(wǎng)民媒介素養(yǎng)的提升及其傳播學(xué)思考[J];今傳媒;2016年04期

2 顧金喜;;“沉默的螺旋”效應(yīng)與網(wǎng)絡(luò)群體性事件應(yīng)對(duì)[J];中共浙江省委黨校學(xué)報(bào);2014年01期

3 姜方炳;;“網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力”:概念、根源及其應(yīng)對(duì)——基于風(fēng)險(xiǎn)社會(huì)的分析視角[J];浙江學(xué)刊;2011年06期

4 孫策;;網(wǎng)絡(luò)輿論的非理性表達(dá)及其特點(diǎn)[J];新聞世界;2011年07期

5 溫洪泉;;網(wǎng)絡(luò)輿論暴力產(chǎn)生模式探究[J];現(xiàn)代視聽(tīng);2011年03期

6 戴穎潔;;道德審判止于公民隱私權(quán)之始——以“人肉搜索”為例淺析網(wǎng)絡(luò)環(huán)境的法律治理[J];浙江傳媒學(xué)院學(xué)報(bào);2011年01期

7 楊彥紅;趙媛;;論網(wǎng)民的媒介素養(yǎng)教育[J];新聞愛(ài)好者;2010年09期

8 彭蘭;;關(guān)于中國(guó)網(wǎng)絡(luò)輿論發(fā)展中幾組關(guān)系的思考[J];國(guó)際新聞界;2009年12期

9 鐘志宏;;人肉搜索:道德審判還是網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力?[J];遼寧行政學(xué)院學(xué)報(bào);2009年12期

10 鄭根成;;對(duì)大眾傳媒道德審判的倫理反思[J];浙江大學(xué)學(xué)報(bào)(人文社會(huì)科學(xué)版);2009年06期

相關(guān)重要報(bào)紙文章 前3條

1 陶濤;張翔宇;;人人都可能成為網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力受害者[N];中國(guó)青年報(bào);2011年

2 彭蘭;;如何認(rèn)識(shí)網(wǎng)絡(luò)輿論中的暴力現(xiàn)象[N];中國(guó)社會(huì)科學(xué)報(bào);2009年

3 周國(guó)平;;“網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力”何時(shí)休[N];人民日?qǐng)?bào);2006年

相關(guān)博士學(xué)位論文 前3條

1 范紅霞;基于性別視角的媒介暴力研究[D];浙江大學(xué);2013年

2 馬冰星;網(wǎng)絡(luò)輿論引導(dǎo)研究[D];北京交通大學(xué);2013年

3 余秀才;網(wǎng)絡(luò)輿論傳播的行為與動(dòng)因[D];華中科技大學(xué);2010年

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前4條

1 許婷婷;網(wǎng)絡(luò)語(yǔ)言暴力研究[D];寧波大學(xué);2015年

2 康祖姣;網(wǎng)絡(luò)暴力事件輿論的非理性表達(dá)及引導(dǎo)研究[D];湖南師范大學(xué);2015年

3 王一春;網(wǎng)絡(luò)輿論的非理性表達(dá)及其引導(dǎo)[D];華東師范大學(xué);2010年

4 李媛;虛擬社會(huì)的非理性表達(dá)[D];復(fù)旦大學(xué);2008年

，

本文編號(hào)：2484712