天堂国产午夜亚洲专区-少妇人妻综合久久蜜臀-国产成人户外露出视频在线-国产91传媒一区二区三区

當(dāng)前位置:主頁(yè) > 社科論文 > 西方政治論文 >

論美國(guó)的朝鮮半島戰(zhàn)略及其影響

發(fā)布時(shí)間:2018-09-09 16:49
【摘要】:朝鮮半島問(wèn)題是當(dāng)今國(guó)際社會(huì)的熱點(diǎn)話題之一,具體包括朝鮮核問(wèn)題、朝鮮發(fā)展問(wèn)題、南北緊張對(duì)峙、朝鮮半島統(tǒng)一等方面。朝鮮半島同時(shí)也是中、美、日、俄四大國(guó)利益的交匯之處,冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后各國(guó)紛紛加大了對(duì)這一地區(qū)的戰(zhàn)略關(guān)注。 美國(guó)是冷戰(zhàn)后唯一的超級(jí)大國(guó),在朝鮮半島擁有重要利益。為維護(hù)全球領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位,美國(guó)在戰(zhàn)后也加大了在朝鮮半島的戰(zhàn)略投入,通過(guò)調(diào)整軍事部署、強(qiáng)化同盟關(guān)系、增加軍事演習(xí)等措施,構(gòu)建針對(duì)朝鮮和潛在地區(qū)大國(guó)的防御鏈。美國(guó)的朝鮮半島戰(zhàn)略從國(guó)際戰(zhàn)略構(gòu)成要素分析,包括美國(guó)在朝鮮半島的國(guó)家利益、戰(zhàn)略目標(biāo)、戰(zhàn)略環(huán)境、戰(zhàn)略決策、戰(zhàn)略模式等幾個(gè)方面。本文認(rèn)為美國(guó)在朝鮮半島主要有三大利益形態(tài),即地緣政治利益、國(guó)家安全利益和意識(shí)形態(tài)利益。為了維護(hù)地區(qū)利益,美國(guó)試圖維持朝鮮半島不統(tǒng)不戰(zhàn)的局面,從而為保持在這一地區(qū)的前沿存在提供借口。冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后,,美國(guó)歷屆政府的朝鮮半島戰(zhàn)略始終以遏制戰(zhàn)略為根本。當(dāng)朝鮮半島局勢(shì)緊張加劇的時(shí)候,美國(guó)也會(huì)采取接觸與緩和的政策予以配合,但美國(guó)對(duì)朝鮮半島的總體戰(zhàn)略思維沒(méi)有改變,仍然是沿用冷戰(zhàn)思維和遏制思維。在戰(zhàn)略模式的運(yùn)用方面,美國(guó)的朝鮮半島戰(zhàn)略主要是通過(guò)對(duì)朝遏制與對(duì)韓結(jié)盟兩條路徑實(shí)現(xiàn)的。 從國(guó)際戰(zhàn)略的角度分析一國(guó)對(duì)外政策,有助于系統(tǒng)地、宏觀地把握其政策目標(biāo)和戰(zhàn)略走向。其中針對(duì)美國(guó)與朝鮮半島關(guān)系,本文提出了理解國(guó)家關(guān)系的三種范式,分別是權(quán)力政治、制度規(guī)范和文化觀念,這有助于我們更好地理解美國(guó)與朝鮮半島的關(guān)系互動(dòng)。美國(guó)朝鮮半島戰(zhàn)略的實(shí)施,對(duì)地區(qū)國(guó)際關(guān)系尤其是大國(guó)關(guān)系產(chǎn)生一定影響,在一定程度上決定了朝鮮半島乃至整個(gè)東北亞地區(qū)的和平與穩(wěn)定。這種影響對(duì)中國(guó)也具有直接的現(xiàn)實(shí)意義,因?yàn)槊绹?guó)對(duì)朝鮮半島的戰(zhàn)略目標(biāo)就有針對(duì)地區(qū)大國(guó)主要是中國(guó)的一面。隨著中國(guó)改革開放步伐的加快,尤其是開始重視東北亞地區(qū)發(fā)展與合作,美國(guó)的朝鮮半島戰(zhàn)略對(duì)中國(guó)的作用力將更加凸顯。它不僅對(duì)中國(guó)政治外交產(chǎn)生影響,也對(duì)中國(guó)地緣經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展以及國(guó)防安全構(gòu)成潛在威脅。 因此,只有正確認(rèn)識(shí)和把握美國(guó)朝鮮半島戰(zhàn)略的演變規(guī)律,才能更好地指導(dǎo)我們國(guó)家制定對(duì)朝鮮半島問(wèn)題的政策立場(chǎng),從而為東北亞地區(qū)穩(wěn)定以及世界和平與發(fā)展事業(yè)做出積極貢獻(xiàn)。
[Abstract]:The Korean Peninsula issue is one of the hot topics in the international community today, including the nuclear issue of the DPRK, the development of the DPRK, the tense confrontation between the North and the South, the reunification of the Korean Peninsula, and so on. The Korean Peninsula is also a place where the interests of China, the United States, Japan and Russia converge. After the end of the Cold War, countries have increased their strategic attention to the region. The United States is the only superpower after the cold war, with important interests on the Korean peninsula. In order to maintain global leadership, the United States also increased its strategic investment in the Korean Peninsula after the war. By adjusting military deployment, strengthening alliance relations, increasing military exercises and other measures, the United States constructed a defense chain aimed at North Korea and potential regional powers. The strategy of the United States on the Korean Peninsula is analyzed from the elements of international strategy, including the national interests of the United States on the Korean Peninsula, strategic objectives, strategic environment, strategic decision-making, strategic model, and so on. This paper holds that the United States has three main forms of interests on the Korean Peninsula, namely, geopolitical interests, national security interests and ideological interests. In order to safeguard the interests of the region, the United States tried to maintain the situation of non-reunification or non-war on the Korean peninsula, thus providing an excuse for maintaining its frontier presence in the region. Since the end of the Cold War, the Korean Peninsula strategy of successive US administrations has always been based on containment strategy. When the tension on the Korean Peninsula intensifies, the United States will also adopt a policy of contact and relaxation, but the overall strategic thinking of the United States on the Korean peninsula has not changed, and it still follows the Cold War thinking and the thinking of containment. In the application of the strategic model, the strategy of the United States on the Korean Peninsula is mainly achieved through containment to the DPRK and alliance with the ROK. Analyzing a country's foreign policy from the angle of international strategy is helpful to grasp its policy goal and strategic trend systematically and macroscopically. In view of the relationship between the United States and the Korean Peninsula, this paper puts forward three paradigms of understanding the relationship between the United States and the Korean Peninsula, namely, power politics, institutional norms and cultural concepts, which is helpful for us to better understand the interaction between the United States and the Korean Peninsula. The implementation of the Korean Peninsula strategy of the United States has a certain impact on the regional international relations, especially the relations of the great powers, and to a certain extent determines the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula and the whole Northeast Asia. This kind of influence also has direct realistic significance to China, because the strategic target of the United States towards the Korean peninsula has the side of China as the main regional power. With the acceleration of China's reform and opening up, especially the emphasis on the development and cooperation in Northeast Asia, the Korean Peninsula strategy of the United States will play a more important role in China. It not only has an impact on China's political diplomacy, but also poses a potential threat to China's geo-economic development and national defense security. Therefore, only by correctly understanding and grasping the evolving law of the US Korean Peninsula strategy can we better guide our country in formulating its policy position on the Korean Peninsula issue. This will contribute positively to the stability of Northeast Asia and the cause of world peace and development.
【學(xué)位授予單位】:山東師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】:碩士
【學(xué)位授予年份】:2012
【分類號(hào)】:D871.2;D731

【參考文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)期刊論文 前10條

1 王純銀;美國(guó)新東亞安全戰(zhàn)略評(píng)析[J];東北亞論壇;1999年03期

2 陳佩堯;亞太安全與中國(guó)[J];東北亞論壇;2000年04期

3 巴殿君;朝美和談對(duì)東北亞格局的影響[J];東北亞論壇;2001年01期

4 徐漪;朝鮮半島的格局與未來(lái)[J];東北亞論壇;2003年02期

5 崔志鷹;“核危機(jī)”與朝美關(guān)系前景[J];東北亞論壇;2003年04期

6 張玉國(guó);核問(wèn)題與美朝關(guān)系[J];東北亞論壇;2003年04期

7 鄭澤民;朝美核危機(jī)韓國(guó)發(fā)揮“主導(dǎo)作用”原因之探析[J];東北亞論壇;2003年04期

8 陸俊元;從地緣戰(zhàn)略看朝鮮半島的安全價(jià)值[J];當(dāng)代亞太;1996年04期

9 汪偉民;;美韓同盟再定義:一種聯(lián)盟理論的視角[J];當(dāng)代亞太;2006年03期

10 黃慶華,李希若,李學(xué)剛;影響美國(guó)對(duì)朝政策的因素分析[J];國(guó)際關(guān)系學(xué)院學(xué)報(bào);2004年04期



本文編號(hào):2232996

資料下載
論文發(fā)表

本文鏈接:http://www.sikaile.net/shekelunwen/guojizhengzhilunwen/2232996.html


Copyright(c)文論論文網(wǎng)All Rights Reserved | 網(wǎng)站地圖 |

版權(quán)申明:資料由用戶d14e9***提供,本站僅收錄摘要或目錄,作者需要?jiǎng)h除請(qǐng)E-mail郵箱bigeng88@qq.com